Friday, March 31, 2006

On the Other Hand

Heh. Just when you thought something was crystal-clear, along comes Gerard Van der Leun with the Mother of All Alternate Takes on the Borders-Books-won't-show-the-Motoons story. Writing in the imagined voice of the Borders CEO:

You want this shit to stop and people able to draw and publish what they want anywhere in the world at any time without being afraid of getting a bread knife in gut from some hyperventilating Islamic idiotarian with a religiously implanted mental disorder? Start getting governments that can grow a pair at home as well as overseas, and start kicking some Muslim ass whenever and wherever this crap gets started. Don't come bitching to me that Borders has to step up and take the hit.

Is it really the case that your guys expect me, after months of watching this global governmental cowardice in the face of Islamic intimidation go down, to pin a big "Kick Me" sign on the backs of every one of my employees? Dudes, I worked in the grocery business for most of my career and if I am the last line of defense here, log off and head for the mountain redoubt with a box lunch because the terrorists have won.

I can't believe that your guys expect me to step up and make my company the front line of defense against the Muslim hordes which, as far as I can see, get a free pass to do whatever they want whenever they show up in groups of like two?


It does sort of spike your adrenaline. His writing has that quality. Van der Leun's, that is; not the Borders CEO's.

Taking The Chilling Low Road

Borders and Waldenbooks have decided they won't sell a magazine issue containing Prophet Muhammad cartoons.

Barnes & Noble apparently hasn't decided whether to carry the April-May issue of Free Inquiry.

A Borders spokeswoman said the company declined to sell the Amherst-based publication this month out of concern for the safety of employees and customers.

So, is this how it's going be now? Even though we didn't have rioting in this country, are we going to keep giving into our fears, roll over and voluntarily, by increments, surrender one of the most precious values in this country's arsenal: the free exchange of ideas and information?

Brrr.

I know that companies have the right to decide what they will and will not sell. But this strikes me as cowardly to the core and incredibly ironic on the part of a business that generates its profits specifically by selling the fruits of creativity, thought, and free expression.

From a Washington Times editorial:

Borders has carried this highbrow Albany, N.Y.-based title since the mid-1980s. Published by the Council for Secular Humanism, Free Inquiry runs the likes of Christopher Hitchens and Peter Singer; it reads like its title suggests. It's only sensible that a magazine which publishes "C.S. Lewis's Hideous Weakness" or "Morality without Religion" would also want to comment, with illustration, on the Danish cartoon affair.

When Borders announced its decision this week, the chain cited security. "For us, the safety and security of our customers and employees is a top priority, and we believe that carrying this issue could challenge that priority," Borders Group spokeswoman Beth Bingham told the Associated Press. "We absolutely respect our customers' right to choose what they wish to read and buy and we support the First Amendment, and we absolutely support the rights of Free Inquiry to publish the cartoons. We've just chosen not to carry this particular issue in our stores."

If this type of deference to radical Islam becomes a pattern, it will have a profound chilling effect on the publishing industry. It will be harder and harder to publish material which discomfits radical Islamists. ...


I'm not a regular reader or fan of the Washington Times, but I think it's absolutely right about this. We need to hold the line, not move it.

Just a few years ago Americans were asking what sacrifices they could make to help defeat radical Islam. Here's an instance where a corporation could sacrifice a little of its sense of comfort for that goal.

Exactly.

We don't own Borders stock anymore, but if we did, I'd be sorely tempted to sell it--and those types of gestures are rare for me.

What's not unusual for me is to buy exactly that which people don't think I should read or at least make it harder for me to get my hands on.

So after I publish this post, I'm going to go to Free Inquiry's website and see if it's possible to order that particular issue.

Heck, I might even buy a year's subscription--you know, on principle. Is that too radical for you?

Council Winners

This week's Council winners have been chosen.

A well-deserved first-place went to Rick of Rightwing Nuthouse for his piece on the immigration reform debate. It sounds a warning that many have written. And at the same time it wraps the modern story into an earlier one -- coincidentally this debate is happening on the 50th anniversary of the abortive anti-Soviet uprising in Hungary. When the boot came down, some Hungarians escaped.

[T]heir ultimate destination was America – a place as far removed from their experience as the surface of the moon. They had been told that America was an evil place full of grasping capitalists and slavemasters who used workers to enrich themselves while keeping them in abject poverty. But they had also heard whispers that America was a wonderful place where it didn’t matter where you came from or who your father was. And that there was opportunity for those willing to grasp it.

From Austria, the family took a train to Berlin where the father got very nervous when he glimpsed Soviet troops patrolling in the Russian sector. But now under the protection of the Americans, the little family could finally begin to relax. In Berlin, they took another train to Bonn where they were issued a visa and residency documents. After a wait of several weeks, they were able to board a plane for the New World. They arrived in Newark on the 17th of December, 1956, officially welcomed into the United States as legal residents.

Today as I write this 10,000 people, mostly from Mexico, are walking across the border as if it didn’t exist which, of course, it doesn’t. The fact that they are Mexican is irrelevant. The fact that American businesses in their desire to keep wages low will welcome them is irrelevant. What matters is the double standard.


But not only is this a historical tale, it's personal.

The above story is about the family of Zsusanna, the love of my life, who has been in this country now for almost 50 years. For one reason or another – raising her family, being busy with work or one of her many hobbies and causes – she never went through the process to become a citizen. She has now started that process because of what happened yesterday.

Well-crafted piece of writing! For another good look at the issue, from another interesting perspective, check out the second-place finisher in this weeks balloting, by The Education Wonks. As teachers, they were particularly interested in the student protesters, and the prominence of their Mexican flags. And as former residents of Mexico (the wife was born there), they know life on both sides of the border.

We are saddened that the student protestors in California would embrace the Mexican flag. This banner represents a government that cares so little for its own citizens' well-being that it does little or nothing to alleviate the awful living conditions that a large segment of it's own people are condemned to endure.

This despite the fact that Mexico has bountiful fertile land and natural resources (including some of the worlds largest petroleum and natural gas reserves) within its borders.

The scale of corruption found at all levels of the government would simply be mind-boggling to most Americans but is just another fact of life for all of those who live just south of our southern border.

As for Mexico's public school system, class sizes of 50-1 in the elementary grades are relatively common, transportation (such is school busses) is not provided, and children with special needs receive few (if any) services.



Outside the council, the laurels went to the moderate Muslim blogger who goes by eteraz, and who, I gather, has some Philadelphia connection. Yo! If you don't believe there are moderate Muslims, here's one. Would that there were millions more. The post that caught our eye was Open Letter to Reformist Muslims. The blog is called "Unwilling Self-Negation."

It's a beautifully turned bit of prose. It is not directed at me, and probably not at you. It is written to the blogger's co-religionists.

There are men and women in the West who wish to be of assistance to us. So what if they sometimes say things that you find offensive or incorrect. To correct them by way of friendship is much better than to sneer at them. We must judge them, not by their ancestors’ history, but by their love of the oppressed. We are clear, are we not, that there has been one too many Mukhtaran Mai? We are clear, are we not, that there has been one too many tyranny? We are clear, are we not, that there has been one too many Bin Laden? One too many 9/11, 3/11, 7/7, and Aksari Shrine and Shia massacre and Baha’i jailing and Jew-baiting. One too many Bamiyan Buddhas. One too many novelists accused. One too many suicides. The task ahead will be difficult enough. If, then, there are those who will link their arms with us, we must not hesitate. When the moment of reckoning comes — and there is no reason to believe that time is not now — we will be in need of every able mind, profligate pen, and nervous smile. Do it out of pragmatism, or do it out of love, but do it you must.

All those then, theists, secularists, atheists, deists, refuseniks, peaceniks, Jews, Gentiles, Unitarians, Episcopalians, Baptists, Methodists, Philosophers, who wish to walk for humanity: speak up and do not stop speaking. Walk with the believers. There are believers who will walk with you.


The next-highest vote-getter in that category was an excellent piece of work by Joe Katzman, the head honcho at Winds of Change, who shows, in detail and yet lucidly, why the U.S. military's up-armored Hummers are still death traps. He also shows how it could be done better than it has been.

As the bumper sticker says (meaning something quite different), if you're not angry, you're not paying attention. Now you don't have an excuse.

Let's Get This Over With

... because I’ve decided that First Posts are right up there on my hate-to-write scale with resumes, cover letters and those dopey “getting-to-know-you” ice-breakers that kick off corporate training sessions.

Callimachus has very much honored me by inviting me to blog at his place, and under such open-ended terms: I get to write what I want, as often or infrequently as I want, and on whatever topic that strikes my fancy. Given that C knows how I "do go on" (we worked at the same newspaper for years, ending more than a decade ago, which is when I last saw him), this is no small thing.

That said, my intention is to be more selective and mindful than that about posting here. My own blog Either End of the Curve is on hiatus for a while in large part because I became too sucked up into prolifically blogging on a daily basis as an end in and of itself, during a period when I don’t have that time to spare.

(Doesn’t that make it seem as if C’s blog is functioning for me as a metaphorical methadone clinic, where I can get a controlled fix as a way of managing an addiction? Hmmm.)

The single most important thing to know about me is that I love to read: I mean physically and viscerally, as well as mentally and emotionally. I was born to read (I taught myself how at 3-1/2 or so). I read prolifically and as quickly as anyone I’ve ever met on a personal basis. And I will read anything, if necessary; if I'm not already interested, I'll get myself interested. Once, when I was still traveling on corporate training consulting jobs, my rental car broke down in East Gybyp. Because I didn’t have a book, magazine or laptop with me--how rare!--I was deeply relieved to discover that, for whatever inexplicable reason, the glove box contained not one, but three different car-manual sets. Which I proceeded to devour, every word, even the small-type specs, and more than once, while I waited for the tow truck.

And I couldn’t possibly care less about the truly technical aspects of cars, or anything else, really. But in life, for the most part, you can only work with what you have, what is, given the realities of an immediate situation. That's pretty much how I approach everything.

I’m not much for utopian visions, in things great or small; can you tell? They tend to lack essential qualities of skepticism and humor.

I’m also not much for settling down to just one thing. This explains why, in addition to my background in journalism and consulting, I have at various times worked as a full-time employee for a financial services company, a private non-profit social services agency, and a foreign-language television station. These are just the professional “career-type” jobs; listing part-time and temp employment would take another whole post. Amazing how many things you can try if your idea of a hobby, for a significant chunk of young adulthood, is adding second or third jobs to your schedule.

For more than a decade, I’ve been self-employed through a small incorporated entity that belongs to my husband and me. In that capacity, I've written and edited all kinds of material, planned special (or, depending on your vantage point, mundane) events, and helped develop training materials of various types. The work that I most enjoy is editing foreign-policy articles. I'd probably love being a full-time blogger even more--but that's no way to earn a living.

The biggest--though not only--reason that I blog "anonymously" is that, quite literally, I never know who my next client might be. Professionally speaking, I live in perpetual uncertainty with absolutely no guarantees. And I've got a kindergartner's future to consider. (Especially since I've mostly worked part-time since his birth, a situation that it's time to change.)

So you can just call me reader_iam--or RIA, for short.

Thanks for having me.

Thursday, March 30, 2006

News Tip

As things get seriously wobbly in Iraq, keep your eye on the writing of Bill Roggio. He says the political process, so far from being the dead fish it's taken for in much of the media here, is where the crucial action is taking place.

Abdul Mahdi is positioning himself as the law-and-order candidate, and has the backing of the U.S. government as well as the approval of the Sunni, Kurdish and secular Shiite parties. He has the ability to create the unity government. Listen to Sistani's statements. Watch SCIRI's actions. Sadr is being equated as the kingmaker, but in reality SCIRI holds the power to make or break the next prime minister.

Fox News apparently (I don't watch TV) has been running some script or something pondering whether a civil war is a desirable outcome at this point. I can't see any way it would be but one: If it comes on fast and results in Sunni Arabs, Kurds, and secular and conservative Shi'ites more or less ganging up on al-Sadr and his thug army and putting them out of the picture once and for all.

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And Now for Something Completely Different

Hi, y'all. I've been thinking this blog needs some diversity. As devilishly fascinating as I am, nobody can eat the same meal every day and not get restless. Well, my wife's cat apparently can, but that's another story.

Some of my favorite blogs, like "American Future," have evolved from one-person shows to small group efforts. I really think that's the way to do this. It gives you more angles on things, and at the same time takes the pressure off one blogger to keep rolling that boulder up the hill every day.

I had no firm plan for this, but then I noticed one of the bloggers I used to read regularly was going on hiatus. Now, this is someone I've known IRL -- we used to work together in a newsroom during the Bush père administration -- and I knew she'd be feeling a withdrawal. So I offered her the chance to post things here, as the mood strikes her. I'm pleased to say she accepted the offer.

She'll introduce herself better than I could do, probably in a day or two, but I think you'll get a kick out of her.

Meanwhile, I'm trying to tempt my wife to post some of her fantastic recipes here. Stay tuned!

Cap Recalled

Oliver Kamm remembers an encounter with Caspar Weinberger. He quotes from Weinberger's political memoir, "Fighting for Peace," in reference to a memorable public debate in Britain in 1984:

I had long been committed to a debate at the Oxford Union Society of Oxford University. The subject was 'Resolved, there is no moral difference between the foreign policies of the US and the USSR', and my opponent was to be Professor E.P. Thompson, a prominent Marxist (his own designation) and Oxford Professor. [Weinberger was mistaken on the second point. Thompson was not a Professor, and was careful to correct opponents who addressed him that way, nor was he at Oxford.]

Our Embassy in London and several others warned me that this was a foolish risk, that such a debate could not be won and that the loss would be a big story, at least in Europe. I felt fully committed, however, by my agreement with the students and went ahead with it, although I had only been on my feet in the Union five minutes when I knew the Embassy was absolutely right.

To which Oliver adds:

In his later memoir In the Arena (2003), Weinberger reproduced a long extract from his speech on that occasion (and also mischievously recalled a Union officer of radical left-wing views, who appeared later to undergo a change of heart, one Andrew Sullivan). He argued for a fundamental difference between an open society and a totalitarian one, and concluded: '[Y]ou can't have a moral foreign policy if the people cannot control it.'

I was in the audience that evening, and well recall the speech. Weinberger was outstanding; he clearly won the argument, and to everyone's astonishment, won the vote as well. It took place in the term I was Chairman of the Oxford University Labour Club, when Labour, with disastrous electoral consequences and indifference to its traditions, was formally committed to expelling US nuclear bases from the UK. Thompson, it is worth recalling, was supposedly one of the more reasonable nuclear disarmers, in that he was not actually among the pro-Soviet elements within that movement. Instead, he expounded a view, which he called 'exterminism', that both sides in the Cold War were committed to a supposed ideology of nuclear weaponry as a means of intimidating popular dissent. It was as comprehensively refuted a notion as any in recent history when it became clear, with the collapse of Communism, that nuclear weapons were not a cause of international discord, but symbols of irreconciliable ideological differences. Removing the cause of that discord meant defeating Communism with the idea of liberty. When that happened, the underlying shift in relations between states robbed the nuclear issue of its salience that it was accorded in the Cold War. Weinberger argued the case with skill and eloquence; I'm relieved to recall that, while a man of the Left (as I still am), I voted on his side in that debate.

The struggle against totalitarianism was a clash of ideas more than of states. Weinberger was an unusual statesman in being willing to argue publicly with his critics. He deserves credit for his contribution to the most successful liberation movement in history, the Atlantic alliance of liberal democratic states.

The Name Game

Tom Strong, who deserves more attention than he gets (and who lives in one of my favorite strange places to visit, Atlanta) laid down an important distinction in this thread:

Moderate: Gentle in tone, open to compromises (particularly “third way” compromises), tempered.

Centrist: Possessing views that represent “the middle majority."

They’re related, but they’re not the same.


Right. To which I appended two other "related but not the same" positions:

Balanced: holding with conviction individual positions that are held by both left and right in current politics, in more or less equal number.

Might be “liberal” on abortion, “conservative” on gun control, “liberal” on environment, “conservative” on defense, etc. No need to be moderate. I suspect this is closer to Lieberman and McCain and possibly Dean.

Independent: considering each political question without reference to what anyone else thinks, but merely consulting one’s own inner moral or ethical compass.

This probably will end up looking like balanced, but it is not necessarily the same thing. Balanced can be a deliberately calculated political tactic.

Might be some redundancy there, but it's a place to start. You can't debate till you can agree on terminology.

Carnival of the Etymologies

A regular Thursday feature of "Done With Mirrors"

*Today's "Carnival of the Etymologies" is dedicated to the person who landed here after doing a MSN search for "Things to do around North Vernon Indiana" and the person who landed here after doing a search on French Google for "ADAMS ABIGAIL GLAMOUR GIRL."

It all began with vikings. Doesn't it always?

In the newsroom where I work, we were proof-reading a story in which someone referred to the funeral customs of vikings. The reporter had written it with a capital V-, and I said it ought to be lower-case. We looked it up, and the dictionary we use as a standard -- Webster's New World 4th ed. -- has it down, though gives the upper case V- as a secondary spelling.

To me, probably because I know them in a historical context, viking is a job, not an ethnicity. It means roughly "Scandinavian pirate of the 8th to the 11th centuries." There were Danish vikings and Norse vikings. They were young men who chose or were driven to take to the sea in an army and raid and maraud for a living.

When they came to England or France, they were different from the local population. But not all Norse voyagers to France were vikings. And when the vikings came home again to Scandinavia, they were no different than the population that had stayed home.

Viking with a capital V-, to me, is the U.S. football team. They may have their own funeral customs, but that wasn't what we were writing about.

The word itself, as we use it, is a modern revival, first attested in English in 1807 (as vikingr; the modern spelling is attested from 1840). The word was not used in Middle English, and in fact it is not an English word.

The historical writers revived it from the Old Norse word for the sea-raiders, vikingr, which usually is explained as properly meaning "one who came from the fjords," from vik "creek, inlet" (which is the second element in Reykjavik, the name of the Icelandic capital).

But Old English had wicing and Old Frisian had wizing, both used in the same sense as the Old Norse word but attested almost 300 years earlier.

The connection between the Old Norse word and the other two is much debated. They look like variations of the same word, but many linguists think the English and Frisian words derive from the common Germanic noun wic meaning "village, camp."

Temporary camps were a feature of the Viking raids. That would have been one of the obvious qualities of a "viking" when he was abroad. When he was at home, where Old Norse was spoken, it wouldn't have been so. He might have been seen as one who "takes to the fjords."

Old English wicing was not a common word. In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the Scandinavian raiding armies generally were referred to as þa Deniscan "the Danes," or simply þone sciphere "the ship-army."

Germanic wic is related to Latin vicus "village, habitation, group of houses" (which is related to the source of Italian villa), via a common ancestor in Proto-Indo-European *weik-, which probably meant "clan." Also in the family are Sanskrit vesah "house," vit "dwelling, house, settlement;" Avestan vis "house, village, clan;" Old Persian vitham "house, royal house;" Greek oikos "house;" Old Church Slavonic visi "village;" Gothic weihs "village;" and Lithuanian viešpats "master of the house."

Greek oikos "house" is at the root of economics (Greek oikonomia "household management"). So there's a linguistic direct connection between Alan Greenspan and Harald Bluetooth. Who knew?

Pirate came into English in the 13th century, via French and Latin, from Greek peirates "brigand, pirate," a word that literally meant "one who attacks." It was derived from the verb peiran "to attack, make a hostile attempt on, try," which has been traced to a reconstructed Proto-Indo-European base *per- "to try" (also in Latin peritus "experienced," periculum "trial, experiment, risk, danger" -- the source of peril and the middle part of experience).

The Germanic branch of the family seems to be represented by, among other words, Old English fær "danger, fear," the source of fear.

A pirate is named for what he does, but a buccaneer is named for how he eats. The word is first recorded in English in 1661, from French boucanier, which literally means "user of a boucan," a type of native grill used in the Caribbean islands. It was a raised wooden structure that the Indians used to either sleep on or to cure or roast meat or fish.

Bucaneer originally was used of French settlers working as hunters and woodsmen in the Spanish West Indies, who became a lawless and piratical set after they were driven from their trade by Spanish authorities in the 1690s. Boucan comes from a mangled Europeanization of a native Caribbean word, which also took another path -- via Arawakan (a native language of Haiti) and Spanish and came out barbecue.

A corsair is literally "one who goes on an expedition." It comes to English from French corsaire, a word that traveled up into France via Provence from Medieval Latin cursarius "pirate," which is from classical Latin cursus "course, a running." The meaning evolved in Medieval Latin from "course" to "journey" to "expedition" to "an expedition specifically for plunder."

The Proto-Indo-European root of the Latin word is *kers- "to run," also preserved in Greek -khouros "running," Lithuanian karsiu "go quickly," Old Norse horskr "swift," Old Irish and Middle Welsh carr "cart, wagon," Breton karr "chariot," and Welsh carrog "torrent").

From the Gaulish form of these Celtic words (karros) the Romans formed their word carrus for the two-wheeled Celtic war chariot. This word survived into French with a general sense of "wheeled vehicle," and became Modern English car.

The Italian form of corsair was corsaro. Via the pirate-infested Adriatic Sea, this word passed into Old Serbian as kursar, later altered to husar, and from thence into Hungarian as huszar. In landlocked Hungary the word lost its seagoing nature and came to mean "mounted freebooter" and later merely "light horseman," which is how the Germans picked it up as Husar and passed it on to English as hussar.

A rover looks straightforward, right? One who "roves" the seas robbing other ships.

Not quite. It came to Middle English from Middle Dutch rover "robber, predator, plunderer" (short for zeerovere "pirate"), from the verb roven "to rob." This is the Dutch form of the word represented in English by Anglo-Saxon reaf "spoil, plunder" and reofan "to tear, break."

The native form of the word hasn't left many traces in Modern English, except in bereft and a few other antiquated words. The ground sense seems to be that of "breaking," and the root is connected to the source of Latin ruptura, source of rupture.

The verb rove meaning "to wander with no fixed destination" doesn't turn up in English until about 150 years after the first record of rover. It probably was influenced by rover, but in fact it is possibly a Midlands dialectal variant of northern English and Scottish rave "to wander, stray," which is probably from a word the vikings brought from Scandinavia.

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Wednesday, March 29, 2006

Hindsight

History will judge the American expedition to Iraq as either a failure or a success, depending on outcomes that still can't be foreseen, and which nobody predicted at the opening. That has been true all along. Where we are now is not the end.

What is true now is that the hopes and predictions of the more idealistic supporters of the war have mostly turned to ash -- with the important and always overlooked exception of the Kurdish north, which is thriving and working its way toward a bright future. As for the Cassandras, well, I still say a general proclamation of "it's going to suck" doesn't count as a prediction, and that specific predictions of failure or calamity that were made included important elements (massive refugee problems, chemical weapons, house-to-house fighting to take Baghdad) that fell flat.

History will judge, but as the historian Paul Johnson would note at this point, "there is no such person as history." Right. It is we who will shape the first version of that history, and it will be passed down the line, reinterpreted by each generation.

For now, looking only at the short-term outcome of the invasion, the Cassandras have the upper hand. But the war between the Cassandras and the Agamemnons hardly is finished. The battle now shifts to a new ground: Was the whole thing doomed from the start, no matter who led it or how it was done, or was it a good idea botched in execution?

Counting the number of things that might have been done better can consume hours. Some of the ones usually cited, however, don't seem to me to be open-and-shut cases. Simply saying, "we did X and the whole thing has gone contrary to our plans, so doing X obviously was wrong" is a fallacy. Was disbanding Saddam's army wrong? Was disenfranchising all the Ba'ath a mistake? Would simply having more boots on the ground have solved all problems? I'm not convinced.

Here are a few hindsight observations I'm more sure of, however.

1. Muqtada al-Sadr should have been put under arrest at the first sign of trouble he stirred up, the murder of Ayatollah Abdul Majid al-Khoei outside the Imam Ali mosque by a mob of al-Sadr's supporters in April 2003. He should have been made an example of quickly. It would have won over many Sunnis and moderate Shi'ites and his absence from the rebuilding of Iraq would have been no loss.

2. The first 300 looters ought to have been shot summarily.

3. More consistent presence of U.S. personnel in key areas of the country. A U.S. Army brigade establishes its presence in city X. The generals sit down with the local sheiks and politicians. The platoon leaders get to know the maze of the streets. The privates get to know the local kids by sight.

Then a few months later, the entire unit rotates out and goes home, and, say, a brigade of Marines moves in. Everything begins again. If a local man or woman has decided to confide in the U.S. Army unit about insurgent activity, suddenly his or her protection has vanished. His or her confidence has been proven to be misplaced.

If the Army unit has come to understand the web of relationships between tribes and local political leaders in one way, the new U.S. military men may choose to favor other figures, and may not maintain the same deals and arrangements that were worked out before they showed up.

Or they may take an entirely different approach to their work -- intensive patroling as opposed to casual contacts, or ignoring the local social structures altogether. The protocols for house searches will have to be worked out all over again.

What incentive is there for the locals to put their trust in that situation?

Yet the American troops can't stay in the same place forever. This is a military with many family men, and in such a situation as they find themselves, frequent relief from the daily grind of occupation is their right and need.

Would it be possible to keep the U.S. military units in place in Iraq over a course of months or years, and rotate the individual soldiers and Marines out in blocks -- say one quarter of each unit for three months at a time, just to use random figures?

It would seem continuity would benefit both sides and ultimately make our work there shorter.

Canon Fire

V.S. Naipaul turns his cannon on the canon. And he's using grapeshot. Hardly anyone escapes without a scratch.

Henry James is "the worst writer in the world." Hear, hear! Thomas Hardy "an unbearable writer" who "doesn't know how to compose a paragraph." Yup. His poetry is underrated, though. Ernest Hemingway "was so busy being an American" he "didn't know where he was." Sounds about right to me.

Dickens is criticized for his "repetitiveness," a fault but one which is excusable, to me, and he can't get through "Northanger Abbey."

"I thought halfway through the book, 'Here am I, a grown man reading about this terrible vapid woman and her so-called love life.'

"I said to myself, 'What am I doing with this material? This is for somebody else, really."


Yes, most likely having two X chromosomes is a great advantage in appreciating Jane Austen.

He likes H.G. Wells -- hardly the PC choice nowadays -- and Mark Twain and "his friend Harold Pinter."

BBC also notes that Naipaul has "accused EM Forster of being a sexual predator and described Irish author James Joyce as incomprehensible."

Imagine that. Joyce, incomprehensible! The nerve of the man.

Tuesday, March 28, 2006

Note to Yahoo

I will never, ever, ever buy "King Kong" now out on DVD!, no matter how many times you force me to close that viciously intrusive roll-over ad at the top of your page. And I will personally go into video stores and go up and down the checkout lines and rip copies of the DVD out of people's hands and set them on fire. That's howmuch I hate your roll-over ads that go entirely across the top of a page.

From '68er to Neo-Con

Few have been more articulate in tracing the connection between old-school liberalism and modern neon-cons than Paul Berman.

Here, Geoffrey Kurtz reviews Berman's latest book, "Power and the Idealists." According to the review, Berman connects the political journey of the revolutionary generation of '68 -- students then, leaders of Europe today -- to the lingering trauma of World War II totalitarianism.

The essential question, to one who grew up amid the European ruins of that time, was, "what would I have been? A resister or a collaborator?"

The tactics for resolving this tension have changed dramatically in the years since 1968, and led the '68ers down a politically tortuous path.

This shift toward political responsibility began slowly in the 1970s but really flowered in the 1990s, especially in response to ethnic violence in the Balkans. If the NATO air strikes on Serbia were “the '68ers’ war,” then a deep change would seem to have taken place: the New Left, after all, held opposition to the US war in Vietnam as one of its central articles. However, if the heart of the New Left was the desire to be a résistant rather than a collabo, this evolution makes sense: the New Left, Berman argues, had matured into a “liberal anti-totalitarianism.” For Berman, who notes his own roots in the anarchisant wing of the New Left, this evolution is a vindication: the best of the '68er Maoists and Frankfurt School neo-Marxists, he tells us, have since come around to a politics that takes liberty as its definitive norm, as they should have done all along.

Kurtz's verdict on Berman, however, is that the argument in this book collapses under scrutiny. He finds Berman too committed to his defense of the war to overthrow Saddam, and willing to sacrifice such good points as he can make for the sake of ones he wishes to make, but can't logically support from the facts.

That may or may not be (I haven't read Berman's book), but Kurtz cites Berman's earlier book (which is also on my wish list) as an example of the vision that once was before us.

Just before the Iraq War began, Berman argued in Terror and Liberalism for a response to Islamist neo-fascism that would draw inspiration from the left-wing anti-communism of the late 1940s. Berman cited Léon Blum’s call for a democratic socialist “Third Force,” a “free-lance, left-wing internationalism, without government support” that would “out-compete Communism on the left” in Western Europe. Today’s anti-terrorist Third Force, Berman wrote, should be “neither realist nor pacifist—a Third Force devoted to a politics of human rights and especially women’s rights…a politics of ethnic and religious tolerance …a politics of secular education, of pluralism and law…a politics to fight against poverty and oppression; a politics of authentic solidarity for the Muslim world.” A “war on terror,” thus, would need to be “partly military but ultimately intellectual, a war of ideas.”

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What's Right with This Story

People are fascinated by the story of a Texas Baptist pastor running for office as a Democrat. Whoever heard of such a thing? Well, the Progressives have. Not the people who call themselves that today, but the original Progressives. You have to pull down your American history book to talk to them today.

The original Progressive movement was alive and thriving in America a century ago, entwined firmly around another public crusade that shared its goals: the Social Gospel movement.

In fact the phrase "What Would Jesus Do," so vividly mocked by the modern left, is from "In His Steps," an 1897 novel by Charles Sheldon that was one of the most popular books of that generation. The old Progressives weren't mocking. They were nodding in agreement. This article tells the story of the book:

In simple style, In His Steps tells the story of self-satisfied congregants of a midwestern church who are challenged by a tramp during a Sunday service to live up to their declaration of faith. The tramp then dies in their midst. So moved are the minister and his parishioners that they pledge to live their lives for one year asking themselves, "What would Jesus do?" Their example [of] how they suffered, faced ridicule and emerged victorious inspires other churches throughout the country to do the same.

The article is fascinating reading for modern folks who associate a mix of firm Christian conviction and politics with smug Republican conservatism.

[As an aside, I had heard the story of "when Jesus edited a newspaper," but I didn't realize it was Sheldon who was at the center of it:

When the owner of the Topeka Daily Capital offered him full rein editing the paper for one week "as Jesus would do it," he labored 13 to 16 hours a day. The Capital's average daily circulation was just over 11,000, but during Sheldon's week it shot up to more than 362,000.

A lot of which, no doubt, had to do with mere curiosity.]

The modern political faction that claims the title of "progressive" has stolen the laurels from the graves of men like Sheldon without earning them. The old -- and to me, true -- Progressives were, like modern progressives, based in urban areas, and they often were wealthier than the average American. They included some of the most popular literary figures of the day, and they were deeply concerned with social justice issues.

Unlike their modern namesakes, though, they were rooted in religion. In fact, the were, in part, a reaction against secular excesses of Social Darwinism. Like many political labels, "Progressive" was more an umbrella than a uniform. But the Progressive movement was tightly entwined with the Social Gospel movement. Their causes were the same ones, and they were consistent with the Sermon on the Mount. They sought to reform American society in the same ways, and they saw the same looming threats to democracy and American virtues in the old "sins" like greed and pride.

Progressives in and out of Congress brought America child labor laws, minimum wages, insurance on bank deposits, and votes for women. They also had notable failures, such as Prohibition.

Yes, it wasn't a pack of prudes that gave us Prohibition. It was the same people who gave us votes for women. The Women's Christian Temperance Union was among the leading Progressive/Social Gospel organizations of its day, with a range of causes that also included women's suffrage and prison reform. Like the child labor laws, Prohibition was meant to be a specific solution to specific problems, including the corrupt machine politics of the cities, which were rooted in the saloons.

They were optimists, these Progressives, and they believed in America. They railed against corporate greed and the suffering it caused, but they knew that corporate industry was here to stay and that its products were advancing the quality of life overall. Their goal was to correct big business, not to smash it to bits. With the cross-pollination from the Social Gospel movement, they sought to hold powerful men to standards of moral behavior rooted, explicitly or not, in the New Testament.

Contrast that to the blunt nihilism of so many of the modern progressives. Contrast it to their virulent mocking of white Protestant Christianity, their furious anti-globalization mentality, their enthusiastic adherence to the idea that everything about America is corrupt, racist, militaristic, evil, and unfixable.

For all their pride in "speaking truth to power," few in today's movement can match the old Progressives in their critique of America's problems -- and in their effectiveness in promoting specific solutions to them. Upton Sinclair's scathing "The Jungle" led directly to the passage of the Pure Food & Drug Act. What good has Michael Moore wrought for all his cleverness?

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Thinking Alike

I've been looking at the immigration bill protest photographs on the news wire. While I have much sympathy for the cause, something about the tactics has been disturbing to me. I see Dr. Demarche has had the same reaction:

As I have watched the television coverage of the immigration reform protests over the past few days I have been struck by two things—the number of Mexican flags and the signs stating "We are not terrorists." It would seem to me that if you are trying to make the point that you want to stay in America and celebrate all that America is and means that you would pick up the Stars and Stripes, and maybe chant the pledge of allegiance as you march in your thousands. But that is just me.

Not, that's not just you. That's just smart. It would be good politics, because it would be good theater. It would stamp indelible impressions in the minds of everyone who saw those pictures. It would outflank your bitterest opponents.

Historically, it is how the immigrant minority taught the majority it has a right to be treated as equal to any other Americans. You're an American not by birth or by inheritance or by being handed an engraved invitation. You're an American because you want to be. You claim it; you insist on it; you won't let anyone take that away from you. When you wrap yourself in the flag of where you've come from, not where you want to stand, you send a mixed message that undercuts the purpose of your protest.

[Clicking stopwatch to see how long it takes for someone to decry this as racist xenophobia]

Stanislaw Lem

Stanislaw Lem has died. I'm not much of a science fiction fan, but I got a great kick out of "The Cyberiad" when I read it in high school, and recently I had the pleasure of introducing it to my son, who also enjoyed it. There's a lot of serious philosophy and a clever lesson in logical conundrums amid the whimsy.

Christian Convert Released

Christian Convert Released from Prison

Justice Minister Mohammed Sarwar Danish told The Associated Press that the 41-year-old was released from the high-security Policharki prison on the outskirts of Kabul late Monday.

Officials faced him to the west and told him, "you have until dawn to make the border. Get running."

No, just kidding about that part.

Sort of.

Monday, March 27, 2006

Competence at Last

After months of bungling, over-reaching, and tripping over its own feet, the U.S. government has finally found someone who can nail down that Moussaoui death penalty case.

Trouble is, they won't be able to use his services next time, since he's the defendant.

Just Because


Amy-pose

Wife glamour. I'd rather be at home than at work tonight.

Speaking of Plagiarism

Is that Ward Churchill investigation ever going to be done? Or are they just hoping we forget the whole thing?

By the way, my favorite Ben Domenech reaction so far has been one on the comments thread at this John Cole post:

[T]his is another one of those issues that shows what a giant, self-important circle-jerk the blogosphere is. I’m sure the average working stiff out there who is paying a mortgage and raising a family and doing this crazy thing called living life really give a flying fuck about Ben fucking Domenech.

Aye.

Race Rats

Here's a rather savage review of a book by a Northern writer who takes the trouble to discover the ugly racist heritage of her northern hometown. While I applaud her effort, I also understand the reviewer's fury:

There is by now a great deal of scholarly material about the Klan in the Midwest, the brunt of it being not merely that white racism was every bit as virulent and widespread there as in the South but also that, for some who joined it, the Klan was an unbenevolent fraternal order. Carr's grandfather may well have been racist to the bone, but more likely he was just another man of his time and place: deeply prejudiced, but also searching for companionship and bonhomie. As Carr says of the remnants of the Klan still to be found in Indiana in the early 2000s, "These were failed, damaged people, and joining the Klan was how they made themselves feel better, and it was deeply sad."

"Deeply sad"? Perhaps so, but one does quickly tire of Carr's insistence on inserting her own opinions -- most of them banal and gratuitous -- at every turn. When she blurts out, at one point, "This is the unbearable part -- facing the fact that my grandparents went along with it," it's all the reader (OK: this reader) can do not to throw the book across the room and shout, "Get off it!" Self-righteousness is everywhere, and invariably it's self-serving. As was true previously of Ball and McWhorter, Cynthia Carr has written a book not about the subject ostensibly at hand but about herself.

Everything is me, me, me. Carr fusses over "what it would mean for me to truly witness, to truly own the history of my family and my Marion, and to take in the impact racism had had," and then, after splitting those infinitives, she bleats: "If I encountered something uncomfortable, I would have to stay with the discomfort. No guilt-tripping. No distancing." Like too many other journalists writing books these days, Carr is under the impression that how she got her story and how she feels about it are more interesting (and, implicitly, more important) than the story itself. She could not be more wrong.


I've spent some time encouraging the people in the North to get over their fixation with "Southern racism" and look homeward. You can't get history right unless you do, and you can't steer toward a chosen future without getting the history right.

And I'm afraid this is how it's going to look at first. Yes, with people such as we are (sensitive Northern liberals) it's got to pass through this pseudo-Kubler-Ross state on the way to getting a cold grip on reality.

Two From the Photo Wire

Best Supported Actress. And throw away your dictionary. If you want to define schadenfreude, it's the feeling you get when you look at this picture.

Immigration Rallies

Wow, now that was a protest march. Marc Cooper has a good overview of the issue that makes sense to me, though I'm far from an authority on the topic. From my perspective, it was interesting to watch how the media seemed to get blindsided by this turnout of hundreds of thousands in the streets, compared to how meticulously it had pumped and puffed the anti-war rallies that drew a few hundred. Media out of touch with minorities and their issues? Media hand-feeding its pet causes? Little bit of both?

Further Adventures of the Che Trippers

I have a new favorite leftist. "Oso Raro" can lecture me all day about the evils of capitalism and the criminality of Bush, if she wishes, because she leavens her thinking with enough of common sense to also be able to write like this:

I am reminded of a colleague in graduate school, a Puerto Rican activist, who would constantly chirp, “The problem is we need to teach the working class about transnational capitalism.” While this indeed may be a laudable goal, the working class, at least in the West, would want to figure out just how to get its share of that transnational pie, not to overturn the system. Isn’t that the history of the American working class, after all?

That aside comes from her column lamenting the Western Left's hero-worship of Hugo Chavez, which she connects to its eternal torch-carrying for Che Guevara. In her book, the "Che Complex" is the new "Orientalism."

The Che Complex refers to the dismaying habit of the Western Left to aggrandize symbols of Latin American resistance with little or no understanding (or care) for the histories or tangible effects of these politics on the people living under these revolutionary regimes. Some good political examples of the Che Complex would be, aside from Che (natch): Fidel Castro, Salvador Allende, (at one time) The Sandinistas, (at election time) Lula, and most recently Bolivia’s Evo Morales. Some good cultural examples would be Frida Kahlo, Gabriel García Marquez and the literary genre of magical realism, and the Buena Vista Social Club. I include the cultural along with the political because the Che Complex is a holistic approach to Latin American authenticity: radical, fecund, disordered, natural, native, real, as opposed to our synthetic, processed, unnatural lives in the developed West. What differentiates the Che Complex from old-fashioned exoticism is its explicitly leftist political orientation, its romanticisation of Latin American socio-political upheavals, and an interest in revolutionary transformation that for many in the West seems impossible in their own national milieu. The Che Complex is at heart transference, a displacement of one’s own desires for political transformation onto others, and as such, also reveals the psychosocial dimensions of this transference for the Western mind.

This gesture is also one that is incredibly problematic, for it reproduces the historic and unequal colonial dynamic of centre and margin, just with a progressive political face. As the West has used the developing world “other” for centuries to define itself, as what it is not, so again this system exists in the Che Complex: while we, for whatever reasons, cannot effectively battle the forces of capitalism and corruption in the metropole, our brown brothers and sisters in the outré-mer can.

[Hat tip: Marc Cooper]

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"The Mighty Middle"

Sounds like what I'm in danger of getting from too much time plopped on the couch and drinking McEwans Ale, but it's actually a fine blog that stands heads above the crowd by virtue of being independent-thinking and fearlessly written.

Michael Reynolds, the man behind the curtain over there, recently marked a ... is "blogiversary" a word yet? In doing so he told something of himself.

I've been a waiter, a janitor, a law library clerk and a law librarian, an editorial cartoonist, a bowling alley pin-jammer, a stock clerk, a restaurant manager, an antiques dealer, a property manager, a restaurant reviewer, a house painter, a political media consultant, a writer.

If you put a gun to my head I couldn't tell you when I did any of those jobs, with the exception of writing. 1989 we sold our first book. That I remember.

There are hundreds of disconnected bits in my memory, scenes cut from a movie, and I have no idea where they fit. Me and two girls in a van, driving through France? When? That girl on a Greyhound bus in, maybe Saint Louis, the one who got all weepy? Where was I going? And how did Katherine and I end up in Annapolis? I'm sure there must have been a reason. That restaurant where it was a buffet and I just served drinks? No idea. That red tablecloth place I worked for like, a week. Why?


There's a Tom Waits song in there somewhere.

Those two girls? I knew them, too. But it wasn't a van in France; it was a tent in the woods in the hills over Ljubljana, when there still was a Yugoslavia. Of course they were something more than mortal. It was 1979. June. Still cold in the morning. I tend to remember dates.

He says he never remembers dates. A blessing and a curse, probably. Until recently I would have said I have the opposite problem, but recently my memory has gotten so that (as Dylan Thomas once put it) I can't remember if it snowed for twelve days and twelve nights when I was 6, or six days and six nights when I was 12. The memories are still in there, but the glue on the date stickers has dried out and the tags are starting to fall off the files and collect on the floor. Or maybe I'm just drinking myself into Dylan Thomas.

It got me thinking about what my life would look like if I inventoried it. Bus boy, meter reader for the electric company, assembly-line worker, ran an observatory, taught high school, wrote ice hockey, wrote porn, ate lunch with Reagan in the White House, ... yeah, I'll have to sit down and make a list sometime.

UPDATE: Yikes, I see Alan Stewart Carl also is celebrating a blogiversary.

Blogging has been a bizarre, thrilling, frustrating, emboldening, enraging, enlightening experience. I would have never guessed that so much could come from the little act of hacking out short, often half-formed essays and placing them on the Internet. In the last year I’ve had my words quoted many times by mainstream media sources. I’ve met through correspondence a large number of intelligent, worthwhile people whose words have often enlightened me. And I’ve become actively involved in a netroots Centrist movement that is actually gaining some steam.

That's a lot more than I can boast. All I've managed to do is piss people off, since April 2004. Might have to trademark that slogan. So, good on you, Alan. Of course, he's a Dallas Cowboys fan, so he's got a world of pain coming when T.O. suits up. You'll get one spectacular year out of him. Enjoy it. Because then he destroys your team. Welcome to Philadelphia-with-oil-rigs.

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German-American

The latest Carnival of German-American Relations is up at Atlantic Review, featuring posts from online writers in Germany and the U.S. dealing with one another's nations and their perceptions. I'm in there, but I recommend it anyway. It's a gathering of some great thoughts, along with some questionable observations. And it's what we still desperately need more of: dialogue across a cultural and political divide. I can tell you unashamedly that of all the places I go in Europe, I love Germany the most and feel most at home there. I've written before about how badly their media twists the image of America, and I hope this ongoing effort can push that back a bit.

Different Takes

The Glittering Eye has a different take on the case of Abdur Rahman, the Afghan Christian. I love different takes! Especially smart ones. And if this story interests you, don't miss Neo's take on it.

Sunday, March 26, 2006

Civil War Redux

Yes, I, too, think it's a big waste of time. But my "legions" of detractors seem to like this topic (see here) so much I thought I'd give them another skeet disk.

The first thing to be said -- again -- is that by whatever name you choose to call it -- civil war or walk in the park -- Iraq today is a sad and deadly place, beset in its central provinces by tragic levels of violence, and threatened in many other places by religious thugs who threaten to undo all the freedoms bought so dearly with American, British, and Iraqi lives and the blood and treasure of ourselves and our allies.

That is 99 percent of the question. This business of naming it is a mere tadpole by comparison. What matters is what to do about it, and if the people in charge, in Baghdad and Washington, devoted as much time and brainpower to thinking about that as we do to arguing about terminology, perhaps Iraq would get somewhere.

[For my part, I said once or twice the worst mistake we made in the after-war was letting al-Sadr live, and I can't help but see this present mess as in some sense a fulfillment of that. But others said so, too, and there's no way to tell if having him thrown in jail, or killed outright, wouldn't have led to some worse consequence later.]

Now about this business of civil wars. I come to the topic via study of the American Civil War, where the discussion of the term and its meanings has a particular focus and twist. It's prefered in some quarters and rejected in others, and the arguments made and used tend to reflect the facts of that one case. But my exposure to it is not exclusively in ACW discussion, and I do know a bit about other so-called civil wars.

Something I’ve learned in the past few weeks is that people are using “civil war” with a wide range of meanings. Some clearly are crafting it to fit the situation, either to include or exclude Iraq, but there’s no reason to believe everyone is playing a semantic shell game with it.

I was even more surprised to learn that someone had reduced the term to a mathematically precise definition, and this was being used to bludgeon those who didn't feel Iraq, however violent, had yet risen to the level of "civil war."

Various mathematical formulae were put forth, but the one that came with a precise citation was the one I found Juan Cole pushing on his site:

"Sustained military combat, primarily internal, resulting in at least 1,000 battle-deaths per year, pitting central government forces against an insurgent force capable of effective resistance, determined by the latter's ability to inflict upon the government forces at least 5 percent of the fatalities that the insurgents sustain."

It seems I ought to have known that. But then, I figured, I haven't taken a political science course since I was in college in 1982. And it turns out the definition Cole insists on as "widely adopted" has only been around since 2000. And it was published in something called the "Journal of Peace Research." And it was published by a colleague of Cole's, a professor at Cole's own school, named J. David Singer.

Well, type in "J. David Singer" and "civil war" on Google and tonight you get 386 hits, which includes Singer's own work and Cole's article and people quoting Cole. When I hit the "publish" button in a few minutes, the number will rise to 387. So I don't know exactly what "widely adopted" means any more than I know exactly what "civil war" means, but this doesn't seem to meet it.

Even as it stands Singer's definition has wiggle room aplenty. What's "sustained?" What's "primarily?" He gives numbers, but they mostly provide a definition of "effective resistance," and his definition says nothing about the purpose of the struggle. When I tried to make a rough definition of it, the purpose was the central thing:

To really be a civil war, you have to have sections or factions of a country competing to be the government of that country, and putting forth claims to legitimacy.

That may be an effect of the American Civil War schoalrship, where the discussion is how to separate a "civil war" from a "rebellion" or a "war of secession." I had taken it as the proper term to describe a specific kind of internal warfare, between two factions each claiming to be the legitimate government of a region or nation. That situation, common in history, needs a proscribed word or phrase. I thought “civil war” was it.

What’s going on in Iraq today is something I might call religious war. It seems to me closer to Germany in the 1620s than to England in the 1640s: Even though both were rooted in religious conflicts, only one is commonly called a civil war.

No matter whose definition you use, how do you fit into "civil war" the bulk of the violence in Iraq recently -- such as shelling markets or blowing up mosques, which has for its purpose simply destabilizing and radicalizing the population, not siezing territory or political power? Or the multiplicity of factions that fight among, alongside, or against one another as one week turns to the next? It might even be called something worse than a civil war.

A workable definition of "civil war" also has been cited (here, among other places) and referred to GlobalSecurity.org, though I can't find it on their site:

A war between factions of the same country; there are five criteria for international recognition of this status: the contestants must control territory, have a functioning government, enjoy some foreign recognition, have identifiable regular armed forces, and engage in major military operations.

As a purely military definition, that's closer to what I would accept.

The root of the confusion goes all the way back to the Latin words civitas, "citizenship, community of citizens," and its relative civis "townsman." Thus you could etymologically define a civil war as a war for control of a civitas, as I do, or, in the broadest possible sense, “battles among fellow citizens,” which certainly includes modern Iraq but also the gunfight at the O.K. Corral.

Even if political scientists do come up with a precise mathematical definition and arrange 100 percent agreement among themselves on it, that does not encumber the rest of us with the necessity to stop using "civil war" any other way but theirs. Astronomers have set definitions for words like magnitude and brightness which are highly technical, but which don't impinge on the way you or I will use those words. Civil war, like terrorism itself, is not going to be defined one way by all people. The ambiguity is nicely captured in the Wikipedia definition:

A civil war is a war in which parties within the same country or empire struggle for national control of state power. As in any war, the conflict may be over other matters such as religion, ethnicity, or distribution of wealth. Some civil wars are also categorized as revolutions when major societal restructuring is a possible outcome of the conflict. An insurgency, whether successful or not, is likely to be classified as a civil war by some historians if, and only if, organized armies fight conventional battles. Other historians state the criteria for a civil war is that there must be prolonged violence between organized factions or defined regions of a country (conventionally fought or not). In simple terms, a Civil War is a war in which a country fights another part of itself.

Ultimately the distinction between a "civil war" and a "revolution" or other name is arbitrary, and determined by usage. The successful insurgency of the 1640s in England which led to the (temporary) overthrow of the monarchy became known as the English Civil War. The successful insurgency of the 1770s in British colonies in America, with organized armies fighting battles, came to be known as the American Revolution. In the United States, and in American-dominated sources, the term 'the civil war' almost always means the American Civil War, with other civil wars noted or inferred from context.


Probilgio, hammering away in the comments, claims what I'm engaged in is "semantics" and "pedantry." Of course it's semantics; this whole debate, no matter whose part you take, is the very definition of semantics: the science of the meaning of language. As for pedantry, it's pedantry on all sides, no matter which position you prefer.

Cole, in his "Salon" article, says Iraq is "incontestibly" in a civil war. Then if you scroll up on Cole's site, you'll see "Saturday, March 25, 2006/Year Four of Iraq Civil War: 51 Killed"

If Juan Cole thought for four years there had been an Iraqi civil war, why hadn't he written it that way all along? Certainly the "1,000 battle deaths per year" of his friend's definition has been there all along. Why wasn't he carping about it continuously since March 2003 (seems an odd date, but it's his, not mine)?

In fact as recently as August he was writing things like:

Personally, I think "US out now" as a simple mantra neglects to consider the full range of possible disasters that could ensue. For one thing, there would be an Iraq civil war. Iraq wasn't having a civil war in 2002. And although you could argue that what is going on now is a subterranean, unconventional civil war, it is not characterized by set piece battles and hundreds of people killed in a single battle, as was true in Lebanon in 1975-76, e.g. People often allege that the US military isn't doing any good in Iraq and there is already a civil war. These people have never actually seen a civil war and do not appreciate the lid the US military is keeping on what could be a volcano.

Which raises the interesting (to me) question of "why now?" And leads me back to the answer that the sudden fixation with "civil war in Iraq" in March 2006 comes back to the media's needs and the anti-Bush movement having latched on to it as their new rallying cry, like "quagmire" once was.

The media for practical purposes needs a new set of nouns and verbs for its headlines after three years of having worn out "violence," "carnage," "chaos," etc. Something to convey the Iraqi-on-Iraqi violence and at the same time to ratchet up the perception of failure among the readers. That's just the nature of the media. If you've been saying "here it comes" for three years now, you better believe you'll be chomping at the bit to switch to "here it is," unless you like to look like a smacked ass.

And the antis, having discovered a resistance to this term among the White House inner circle, recognized it as a button to keep pushing. The reasoning behind their sudden fetish for "civil wars" is in comments like the ones on this site:

It would change everything. The Republicans, now squirming, would flee and Democrats now hiding would make like sharks on chum. Civil War - the Death Frame for BushWar

Once again, fine, it's a political tactic. But then don't try to hit me with the rubbish that Cole used in his freshly minted discovery that Iraq is in a civil war and has been all along:

That there should be a political controversy over whether there is a civil war in Iraq is a tribute to the Bush administration's Orwellian attention to political rhetoric.

Speaking of semantics, funny how Cole uses "Orwellian" to describe, ironically, the exact thing Orwell hated and exposed. As Clive James once put it, "It is as if George Orwell had conceived the nightmare instead of analyzed it, helped to create it instead of helping to dispel its euphemistic thrall."

But here's another bit of semantic pedantry for you: If people who have not cared to take much notice of the idea of civil war suddenly discover a definition of civil war and push it as the only acceptable one, and that definition happens to be the one that suits their political passions of the moment, I call them trimmers. It's a good 19th century term. It's not a compliment.

I don’t think any of us broadly disagrees with what is happening in Iraq. The people I respect are more concerned with how to handle it than with what to call it.

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Fresh Eyes

Andrew Apostolou of Apostablog has been doing a regular gig at Michael J. Totten's place while Michael is out digging up timely human interest stories in the Middle East. Andrew is a supple writer and I get a great grin out of him. Your experience of that may diminish in proportion to how much your world-view dissents from his, and mine. Sample:

I find it a little hard to believe Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer's "The Israel Lobby" was written while sober. In their first sentence, the authors assert that, "For the past several decades, and especially since the Six-Day War in 1967, the centerpiece of US Middle Eastern policy has been its relationship with Israel."

Pretty much any American who has ever been in a motorized vehicle knows that the centerpiece of US Middle Eastern policy is Washington's relationship with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and has been so since the mid-30s. It is a vital national interest -- not just because cheap fuel permits Americans to drive SUVs, but because protecting the largest known oil-reserves in the world ensures a stable world economy. Moreover, the US military counts on access to that oil in the event it has to wage war -- an activity that demands a lot of oil.

... So, how much credit should these guys get for staking out a "realist" position on US Middle Eastern policy that does not account for the existence of cars, or something even bigger than a Hummer -- the Arabian Peninsula? Unless they were drunk, they shouldn't get any at all. If they were drunk, kudos to them for no spelling mistakes! -- none that I could find anyway.


[UPDATE: See attribution correction in comments thread.]

But the eye-opener on the site is at the top: the reports from the London “March For Free Expression,” in which every jot and tittle of British law was invoked to keep the free expression part of the event to a minimum:

The stewards were advised that a bylaw prohibits the display in Trafalgar Square of any foreign flags, so they had to cooperate with the wardens and the police in asking people to lower Danish and American flags. That's a shame, but thank you to the people concerned for complying with good grace (and sometimes managing to "wear" the flags in a way that was allowed to pass).

Yes, the same London police who allowed the anti-cartoon protests of a few months ago, with signs like "Behead those who insult Islam" and chants to nuke America. Oh, and Andrew's got plenty of pictures of London rallies which were allowed to display foreign flags (no prize for guessing which black, red, white, and green one figures prominently among them).

Times Have Changed (part 446)

While researching some unrelated topic last night, I came across this:

[W]hen the great Mississippi River flood of 1927 killed hundreds and left nearly a million homeless, President Coolidge not only refused government help but publicly displayed a resolute indifference. Coolidge declined repeated pleas to visit the flood disaster, including a formal request made jointly by four governors and eight senators. The president likewise refused NBC's request to broadcast a nationwide appeal on the radio, and even rejected Will Rogers's request for a telegram of sympathy to be read at a benefit for flood victims. [Benjamin M. Friedman, "Moral Consequences of Economic Growth," citing John M. Barry's 1997 "Rising Tide: The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 and How It Changed America."]

One of the things I thought afterward was, "part of our problem is we're trying to fight World War II with a 1920s Republican administration instead of an FDR."

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Friday, March 24, 2006

Afghan Christian

Of all the sad, stupid things that have been said in the controversy over the Afghan Christian convert, the most unintentionally revealing quote, I think, was this one:

But at Hossainia Mosque, one of the largest Shiite places of worship in Kabul, Said Mirhossain Nasri said Rahman must be barred from leaving the country.

"If he is allowed to live in the West, then others will claim to be Christian so they can, too," he said. "He must be hanged."


Yep. That sort of says it all about the current state of the Islamic world.

Immigration Facts

Newhouse News Service has moved a little piece on the wire tonight, "10 things you may not have known about immigration." I have to admit, if this had been a quiz, I would have thoroughly flunked.

  • That during 2001-2004, the number of entering legal immigrants — 3.8 million — eclipsed the 3.7 million who arrived in the decade of the 1890s during the mass migration from Europe? That's according to the U.S. Office of Immigration Statistics.

  • That after Mexico, the primary sources of legal U.S. immigrants are India, China and the Philippines? Mexico accounts for about 20 percent; the next three around 6 percent each. They are followed, at 3 percent or less, by Vietnam, El Salvador, Cuba, Haiti, Bosnia, Canada, the Dominican Republic, Ukraine, Korea, Russia and Nicaragua. These top 15 account for 60 percent of legal immigrants.

  • That there are at least 11.5 million unauthorized U.S. immigrants from all countries? The estimate, by the Pew Hispanic Center, is a figure larger than the populations of Cuba (11.3 million), Portugal (10.6 million) and Michigan (10.1 million).

  • That more than 7 million unauthorized immigrants were employed in March 2005? The number accounts for nearly 5 percent of the civilian labor force, the Pew Center estimates. These immigrants make up 36 percent of insulation workers, 29 percent of roofers, 27 percent of butchers and food processing workers, 22 percent of maids and housekeepers and 19 percent of parking lot attendants.

  • That the percentage of immigrants — legal and illegal — in some of the nation's biggest cities remains below the era of a century ago, never mind the recent high numbers? In the early 1900s, the level of immigrants in cities such as New York and Chicago was in the 12 percent to 14 percent range, American University history professor Alan Kraut said. Today, Kraut said, the figure is around 11 percent.

  • That the "green card" is actually dark blue? It has come in a variety of colors at various times in its history, according to the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service. The changes were made to prevent counterfeiting and, later, to make it easier for machines to read. The first cards enabling unnaturalized immigrants to live and work indefinitely in the United States — a product of the Alien Registration Act of 1940 — were printed on white paper. By 1951, the form was green, but in 1964 it was pale blue and a year later changed to its current color. It also has been issued in pink and pink-and-blue.

  • That the cost of making one arrest along the U.S.-Mexico border jumped from $300 in 1992 to $1,700 in 2002? So finds a Cato Institute study by Princeton University sociologist Douglas Massey, whose measurement is in constant, year 2000 dollars.

  • That Border Patrol officials rely on more than 250 remote video camera sites and 10,500 ground sensors? The system uses radar, heat-sensitive, seismic and magnetic technologies. But as of August 2005, it covered just 4 percent of the combined northern and southern borders, according to Congress' Government Accountability Office.

  • That the number of foreigners other than Mexicans entering illegally has soared? The Border Patrol apprehended 25,000 in 1997 and more than 100,000 in 2005, according to the Congressional Research Service. A Senate bill would authorize the secretaries of state and homeland security to develop ways to help Mexico tighten its southern border to combat human smuggling from Guatemala and Belize.

  • That the Homeland Security Department releases non-Mexican illegal immigrants caught in the United States if they do not have felony convictions and do not pose a threat to national security? The reason is a lack of bed space in detention facilities. They are given a notice to appear in court for deportation proceedings, but most never show up.

Council Winners

Dagnabit. I'm two weeks behind on council winners. Maybe I'll backdate this.

Here are the winners from March 17.

First place within the council went to King Solomon and the Roe-Men, by Gates of Vienna, which is a worthy winner. I've seen a number of attempts by bloggers to wrap their minds around this boggling, but I suppose inevitable, development in the abortion lunacy. I think Dymphna's is about the most cogent:

March 9, 2006. The opening volley was fired across the bow of NOW by the National Center for Men. That was the day they filed a suit in a U. S. District Court in Michigan —

on behalf of a man’s right to make reproductive choice, to decline fatherhood in the event of an unintended pregnancy The Center for Men has trademarked this suit as “Roe vs. Wade for Men” and they are filing on behalf of Michael Dubay, of Saginaw, Michigan.

Mr. Dubay is being ordered to pay child support for a small human being he never intended to bring into the world, and whose existence — he was assured by his former girlfriend — could never materialize since his partner was unable to bear children. Mr. Dubay also claims that his girlfriend knew full well that he did not choose to have children.

First place outside the council went to this entry in Crippen Diaries, a site I am unfamiliar with which bills itself as "a candid look at health care," in Britain, and which features, I must warn you, a gorge-raising picture or two. It is splendidly written, though.

Here are this week's winners.

My vote was one of the ones that picked the winner in the council. The post was Autum Ashante: Child Prodigy Or Something Else? by The Education Wonks, based on this news report:

A 7-year-old prodigy unleashed a firestorm when she recited a poem she wrote comparing Christopher Columbus and Charles Darwin to "pirates" and "vampires" who robbed blacks of their identities and human rights.

Hundreds of parents of Peekskill middle- and high-school students received a recorded phone message last week apologizing for little Autum Ashante's poem, titled "White Nationalism Put U in Bondage."

"Black lands taken from your hands, by vampires with no remorse," the aspiring actress and poet wrote. "They took the gold, the wisdom and all the storytellers. They took the black women, with the black man weak. Made to watch as they changed the paradigm of our village.

"Yeah white nationalism is what put you in bondage. Pirates and vampires like Columbus, Morgan and Darwin."


The EWs found more than one way to look at this story, and more than one thought to take away from it. That, if nothing else, sets them apart from the usual blog post.

Come to think of it, I voted for both winners this week. First place outside the council went to What Did You Do in the Great Gulf War II, Grandpa?
Florida Cracker. She finds, and preserves one of the thousands of stories that might make it into one hometown paper, but never onto a national news wire.

Gonzales was an aircraft mechanic on a Marine base in Hawaii on Sept 11, 2001. When all the Marines left for war, Gonzales was left behind with a bunch of engines, he recalled.

“I realized I didn’t join the Navy to do this. [I thought] ‘I’ve got to get over there.’”

He switched rates, became a dog handler and eventually arrived in Atsugi [Japan]. When the kennel master asked for volunteers to augment Army dog handlers in the Middle East, he was the first to raise his hand.

“I thought, ‘If I can go out there and find one IED (improvised explosive device) that’s maybe 20 lives to save.’ ”


Read it all. And wonder whether it's quite fair, even if it is standard journalism, that one hate-filled "insurgent" can do something that will make every headline in every home around the world, but Swabbie Anthony Gonzales was unknown to you before you read this.

(Florida Cracker and I once cooperated, briefly, on the story of doctored Condi Rice photos in the media).

Thursday, March 23, 2006

Framing the Media Question

Here are some very general points I'd put forth as basic and acceptable to left, right, and center. These seem to me to be germane to a discussion of the media and Iraq.

1. The default mode of the American media is skeptical, cynical, focused on violence and mayhem, on what is extraordinary. It trusts no one entirely and obeys the newsroom dogma that "if it bleeds, it leads."

2. The media always works from an unacknowledged view of the world with which some people will disagree. For instance: science is right, creationism is bogus. It is, however, in the interest of the media to keep this view fairly attuned to the majority view of its market. It's more true that the market shapes the media, over the long run, than the reverse. But there are times when this situation can temporarily flip-flop.

3. The media is human and as such is vulnerable to enthusiasms. Reporters can lose their objectivity in moments of excitement. Reporters often have glamorous perceptions of the fields they cover. Many cop reporters secretly want to be cops; many baseball reporters secretly want to be hometown sluggers. The very apex of the profession is to be a war correspondent. There are few things as exhilarating as a military campaign that is going fantastically well.

4. The media hates being lied to. Every president in my lifetime has learned this to his cost. Nobody likes president who lie habitually, but sometimes we want them to (Kennedy's popularity rose after his Bay of Pigs lies were revealed: the voters apparently liked the idea that he was willing to be aggressive and ... uh, ... creative). The media thinks "lying to the media" is almost an impeachable offense. Not everyone outside the media feels that way.

5. When the media awakens and finds it has lost its head in an excess of enthusiasm, it suffers a nasty case of embarrassment. When the media awakens and discovers it has made itself look doubly foolish by enthusiastically supporting something that turned out to have been based on false assumptions, it gets mean, nasty double-dog vengeful.

6. You can read 100 absolutely true news stories about, say "a majority black inner-city neighborhood," and retain them all in your mind and yet have a picture of daily family life there that is no more accurate than that of someone who has read none. See point 1. for "why."

Bush Avoids 'War'

You have to think the fix is in for Bush when he makes a major speech on the crucial issue in world affairs and the news media not only notes, but hangs its entire story on one word he didn't use. The headline is "Bush Marks Anniversary, Never Says 'War.' "

And of course the dutiful inside-the-box thinkers follow the bait.

Did they think that no one would notice? Just what do they think Americans think is going on over there? Even if it was a mere oversight (which would be a sign of truly sloppy staffing), it comes across as the administration not wanting to alarm people by using the word "war"

So, in the interest of expanding your awareness of the world, here are some more shockers for you, AP style:

CHURCHILL MAKES MAJOR PROPAGANDA SPEECH; NEVER SAYS 'WAR'

We ask no favours of the enemy. We seek from them no compunction. On the contrary, if tonight our people were asked to cast their vote whether a convention should be entered into to stop the bombing of cities, the overwhelming majority would cry, "No, we will mete out to them the measure, and more than the measure, that they have meted out to us." The people with one voice would say: "You have committed every crime under the sun. Where you have been the least resisted there you have been the most brutal. It was you who began the indiscriminate bombing. We will have no truce or parley with you, or the grisly gang who work your wicked will. You do your worst - and we will do our best." Perhaps it may be our turn soon; perhaps it may be our turn now.

LINCOLN MAKES MAJOR SPEECH TO BATTLE VETERANS, NEVER SAYS 'WAR'

I wish it might be more generally and universally understood what the country is now engaged in. We have, as all will agree, a free Government, where every man has a right to be equal with every other man. In this great struggle, this form of Government and every form of human right is endangered if our enemies succeed. There is more involved in this contest than is realized by every one. There is involved in this struggle the question whether your children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. I say this in order to impress upon you, if you are not already so impressed, that no small matter should divert us from our great purpose.

ROOSEVELT ASKS FOR WAR BUT AVOIDS CALLING IT 'WAR'

The “Date Which Will Live in Infamy” speech, only contains one use of "war" and that is in an abstract sense not refering directly to the conflict which had opened the day before: "... it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack."

Old Friends the Most

Ah, for shame, for shame, America. How could we think of turning over some ports operations to some company run by Arabs in Dubai? And at the same time that ol' debbil Chimplerburton has just been so low-down mean and neglectful to our loyal allies. Like dear old Deutschland.

Speaking to German public broadcaster ARD on Monday, security experts confirmed that as many as up to 100 dummy firms in Germany are involved in illegally exporting components for missiles and aircraft to Iran.

Johannes Schmalzl, president of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution in the state of Baden-Württemberg, told the program "Report Mainz" that the situation wasn't entirely new.

"We've been devoting time to the topic since 2002," he said. "And we've concluded that an estimated 100 dummy firms in Germany are involved in it."

Schmalzl added that the authorities could hardly keep up with the scale of illegal exports to Iran.

"When I say, 100 dummy firms, you can imagine that when we discover one and the federal prosecutor opens a case against them, we're happy and pat ourselves on the back. But 99 others are still in business," Schmalzl said.

...

However, German firms' involvement in illegal arms exports is not confined to Iran alone. Since the 1980s, German firms and middlemen, along with counterparts in other European countries, have been suspected of smuggling nuclear technology to regimes in Pakistan and North Korea.

Last Friday, a court in Mannheim began hearing the case of a German engineer accused of aiding Libya's nuclear program and being involved with the global nuclear mafia run by discredited Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan.

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Carnival of the Etymologies

[A regular Thursday feature of "Done With Mirrors"]

Politicks is the science of good sense, applied to public affairs, and, as those are forever changing, what is wisdom to-day would be folly and perhaps, ruin to-morrow. Politicks is not a science so properly as a business. It cannot have fixed principles, from which a wise man would never swerve, unless the inconstancy of men's view of interest and the capriciousness of the tempers could be fixed. [Fisher Ames (1758–1808)]

Politics may not have fixed principles, but as it is impossible to discuss it without fixed terms, it has a vocabulary. The words used to define positions and factions in politics are as slippery as any words in any language.

Back in 1911, Ambrose Bierce famously defined a "conservative" as "A statesman who is enamored of existing evils, as distinguished from the Liberal, who wishes to replace them with others" ["Devil's Dictionary"]. That still brings a smile to me, and still rang true as recently as 1970. But in the era of dynamic Reagan conservatism and in the international policies of the modern neo-cons, haven't those definitions reversed?

With conservatives trying to rewrite government and now the world, the party that traditionally calls itself liberal has been backed into a reactionary pose. Was it the conservatives or the liberals who said, before the Iraq invasion, "if you try to make it better, you'll only somehow make it worse!"

Conservatism as a modern political tradition traces to Edmund Burke's opposition to the French Revolution (1790), but the word conservative is not found in his writing. It was coined by his French disciples, (e.g. Chateaubriand, who titled his journal defending clerical and political restoration "Le Conservateur"). Conservative as the name of a British political faction it first appeared in an 1830 issue of the "Quarterly Review," in an unsigned article sometimes attributed to John Wilson Croker. It replaced Tory by 1843, reflecting both a change from the pejorative name (in use for 150 years) and repudiation of some reactionary policies. The word was extended to similar spirits in other parties from 1845.

Latin conservare "to keep, preserve" is a compound of com-, used here as an intensitive marker, and servare "keep watch, maintain," the same word at the root of observe (literally "to watch over") and other words. The Proto-Indo-European base is *ser- "to protect."

Conservation in the environmentalism sense is much later, attested from only 1922.

The sub-culture of the neo-conservative movement was being called that in print by 1979. Irving Kristol, the movement's godfather, explained the source of the term in his retirement essay "Forty Good Years," published in "The Public Interest," Spring 2005:

My Republican vote [in the 1972 presidential election] produced little shock waves in the New York intellectual community. It didn't take long - a year or two - for the socialist writer Michael Harrington to come up with the term "neoconservative" to describe a renegade liberal like myself. To the chagrin of some of my friends, I decided to accept that term; there was no point calling myself a liberal when no one else did.

Whatever it once meant, it has been used to mean a great many things since then, either in its full form or in the abbreviation neocon, attested by 1987. The term is attested from 1960, but its earlier uses had little to do with the modern sense; in fact the phrase often was applied to Russell Kirk and his followers, who would be philosophically opposed to the modern neocons.

Strictly speaking, conservatism is not a political system, but rather a way of looking at the civil order. The conservative of Peru ... will differ greatly from those of Australia, for though they may share a preference for things established, the institutions and customs which they desire to preserve are not identical. [Russell Kirk (1918-1994)]

The name itself masks the essential nature of the movement, which is rooted in old liberal values, as Kristol indicated in "The Neoconservative Persuasion," in "The Weekly Standard," Aug. 25, 2003:

Neoconservatism is the first variant of American conservatism in the past century that is in the 'American grain.' It is hopeful, not lugubrious; forward-looking, not nostalgic; and its general tone is cheerful, not grim or dyspeptic. Its 20th-century heroes tend to be TR, FDR, and Ronald Reagan. Such Republican and conservative worthies as Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, Dwight Eisenhower, and Barry Goldwater are politely overlooked.

The use of liberal purely in reference to political opinion dates from c.1801, and its original political sense, "tending in favor of freedom and democracy" connects it to its origin as a translation of French libéral. In English it was not originally a compliment; the word often was applied by opponents (and often in French form, with suggestions of foreign lawlessness) to the party favorable to individual political freedoms.

But the word also (and especially in U.S. politics) tended to mean "favorable to government action to effect social change," and in other related senses, familiar to modern political observers, which seem at times to draw more from the old adjective liberal in its religious sense of "free from prejudice in favor of traditional opinions and established institutions" (and thus open to new ideas and plans of reform), which dates from 1823.

The adjective liberal has been in English since the 1300s, borrowed from Old French liberal, which meant "befitting free men, noble, generous." It is a descendant of Latin liberalis "noble, generous," literally "pertaining to a free man," from liber "free."

The reconstructed Proto-Indo-European base of this is *leudheros (which makes liberalis a relative of Greek eleutheros "free"), probably originally "belonging to the people," though the precise semantic development is obscure. That would be the original meaning if the root is connected to *leudho- "people" (source of German Leute "nation, people," among other words).

The earliest reference of liberal in English is to the liberal arts (Latin artes liberales), the seven attainments directed to intellectual enlargement, not immediate practical purpose, and thus deemed worthy of a "free man" (the word in this sense was opposed not to conservative but to servile or mechanical).

The word has an ambivalent history. It often was used in ways people felt as praise, and as often used in reproach. Liberal's sense of "free in bestowing" (a praise-worthy quality) is attested from 1387. But with a meaning "free from restraint in speech or action" (1490) liberal was used in the 16th and 17th centuries as a scolding term. It revived in a positive sense in the Enlightenment, with a meaning "free from prejudice, tolerant," which emerged 1776-88.

Liberal and conservative seem to have lost their political moorings in the modern American scene. The alternate division into right and left seems to me more applicable to the modern political scene, where positions are taken relative to "the other side" and with little regard for ideological consistency.

Those political words are legacies of the French Revolution. French la gauche (1791) and Droit (1789) are said to have originated during the seating of the French National Assembly in 1789, at which the nobility took the seats on the President's right and left the Third Estate to sit on the left. The words made their way into English at different speeds: left in a political sense was first attested in English in 1837 (by Carlyle, in reference to the French Revolution). It became general in U.S. and British political speech c.1900 (e.g. leftist, 1924; left wing, 1898).

Right in the political sense of "conservative" is first recorded 1794 (adj.), 1825 (n.). Right wing in a political sense is first recorded 1905.

The words themselves are both perhaps euphemisms. Right meaning "opposite of left" is attested in English from 1125, but its immediate ancestor, Old English riht, did not have this sense. Rather, it meant "good, proper, fitting, straight" (a sense that still survives, e.g. do the right thing).

The linguist Carl Darling Buck has written that, "The history of words for 'right' and 'left' shows that they were used primarily with reference to the hands." That is true in English right, where the notion is of the right hand as the "correct" hand. The Old English adjective for the right hand was swiþra, which literally means "stronger."

A similar sense evolution is in Dutch recht and in German recht "right (not left)," from Old High German reht, which meant only "straight, just." Other modern words for "right (not left)" which were derived on a similar pattern to English right are French droit (from Latin directus "straight"), Lithuanian labas (literally "good"), and Slavic words (Bohemian pravy, Polish prawy, Russian pravyj) derived from Old Church Slavonic pravu, literally "straight."

The usual Proto-Indo-European root for "not left," *deks(i)-, is represented by Sanskrit daksina-, Greek dexios, Latin dexter (cf. Old French destre, Spanish diestro, etc.), Irish dess, Welsh deheu, Gothic taihswa, Lithuanian desinas, Old Church Slavonic desnu, and Russian desnoj.

Left, again, is not the original word for "not the right-hand side." It turns up in English c.1205, from the Kentish form of Old English lyft- "weak, foolish." Compare it to Lithuanian kairys "left" and Lettish kreilis "left hand," which derive from a root that yields words for "twisted, crooked."

The same Germanic root that produced English left, with a transferred sense of "opposite of right" also is found in related words along the North Sea coast (Middle Dutch and Low German luchter, luft). But Modern German link "left" is from Old High German slinc, related to Old English slincan "to crawl," Swedish linka "limp."

Left in this sense replaced Old English winestra, which literally means "friendlier," a euphemism used superstitiously to avoid invoking the unlucky forces connected with the left side (cf. sinister, which literally is Latin for "left, on the left side"). The Greeks also uses a euphemism for "left," aristeros "the better one," as did the Persians (Avestan vairyastara- "to the left," from vairya- "desirable").

In addition to directional words, color words have been used throughout the ages to designate political factions. Red, white, and black have been the most common (though recently green has joined the list). The blacks in European history often represented the faction that took the side of the Church or the religious orders in national politics in Catholic lands (e.g. in early 20th century Rome, "supporter of the Vatican," as opposed to Whites, supporters of the Italian monarchy). But by far the most common color word in politics has been red.

Red has had an association in Europe with revolutionary politics (on notion of blood and violence) since at least 1297, but that got a huge boost in 1793 with adoption of the red Phrygian cap (French bonnet rouge), the old Roman simbol of a slave's liberation, as an emblem of the French Revolution. The first specific political reference in English was in 1848 in news reports of the Second French Republic (a.k.a. Red Republic). In 1917, the Bolsheviks in Russia took red as their color and the word, in the political sense, advanced into a new bloody century.

This led to pinko (1936), a derogatory slang form of pink, in reference to people whose social or political views "have a tendency toward 'red,' " a metaphor that had existed since at least 1837.

Bolsheviks themselves have nothing to do with red or left. The term comes from Russian bol'shiy "greater," the comparative of the adjective bol'shoy "big, great" (as in Bolshoi Ballet). It was the faction of Russian Social Democratic Worker's Party after a split in 1903 that was either larger or more extreme (or both) than the Mensheviks (from Russian men'shij "less"). Only after the Bolsheviks seized power in 1917 was the term applied generally to Russian communists.

Radical entered English shortly before 1400 as a word in medieval philosophy, from Late Latin radicalis "of or having roots," from the Latin word that is the same as English radish (which, of course, is a root bulb). The meaning "going to the origin, essential" is recorded from 1651, which led to the political sense of "reformist" (via notion of "change from the roots"), which first is recorded in 1802, again in the tumultuous wake of the French Revolution.

The extremists of the French Revolution were Jacobins, so called for the Dominican convent near the church of Saint-Jacques in Paris, where the Revolutionary extremists took up quarters in 1789.

In the late 1830s in America, briefly, flared the delightfully named loco focos, a term usually applied to a radical faction of the Democratic Party (but by the Whigs applied to all Democrats). The word originally was a name for a type of self-igniting cigar or match, and it's anyone's guess where it came from. One theory says perhaps it's from a misapprehension of the meaning of the first element of locomotive as "self-" and Spanish fuego "fire." The political use came about during one heated political meeting in New York, when the lights went out and the delegates used such matches to relight them.

Progressive, a word that has been in and out of use in American politics, is in again, with an apparently total unawareness that it has been here before and still is used by historians with a specific sense lacking in the current meaning of "uncompromising left-wing Democrat." It's the original meaning "characterized by advancement" that leads political factions yearning for change to take up the word as their title.

An extreme conservative used to be called a reactionary (1840, on model of French réactionnaire), a term from Marxism, where it was opposed to revolutionary and used opprobriously in reference to opponents of communism. It often had little serious connection to the positions tagged with it, except in the minds of Marxists.

Moderates or centrists have had the hardest time of it in terms of labels, execrated from both sides and given a long list of insulting nicknames.

Independent meaning "person not acting as part of a political party" is from 1808. Centrist is recorded from 1872, originally a borrowing from French politics. In the French Revolution, source of so much of modern English political language, a moderate might be a Girondist, from Gironde, the deputy in southwestern France that produced many of the faction's leaders.

In America, the preferred terms have been less flattering. In the late 19th century, such a man might be called a mugwump, a name given to Republicans who refused to support corruption-tainted James G. Blaine for president in the acrimonious 1884 election, thus insuring Grover Cleveland's victory. Hence the name came to mean "one who holds himself aloof from party politics."

Mugwump was an older word for "great man, boss," taken into American English from Algonquian (Natick) mugquomp "important person."

Before that were the doughfaces, the contemptuous nickname in U.S. politics for Northern Democrats who were seen as working in the interest of the South before the Civil War. It was taken to mean "man who allows himself to be moulded." But the source, in an 1820 speech by John Randolph of Roanoke, perhaps meant rather doe as an animal afraid of its own reflection ["They were scared at their own dough faces"].

Later came goo-goo, an 1890s shortening of Good Government as a movement to clean up municipal corruption in Boston, New York, etc., that soon was extended to mean "naive political reformer."

Republicrat in U.S. political jargon, usually meaning "moderate," is attested from 1940.

A long time ago, at the beginning of the republic, men who did not align with either party might be called quids, short for tertium quid, a Latin phrase meaning "third something," and an alchemist's term for "unidentified element present in a combination of two known ones."

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Wednesday, March 22, 2006

Media Stampede

Christopher Hitchens, in a radioblogger interview with Hugh Hewitt, has an observation about journalism that had me nodding in assent:

It's just that I've been doing this business for a long time. I've been a journalist for most of my life, and it must be nearly 40 years now, and I know a press herd mentality when I see one. I really do. And sometimes, I approve. I mean, I remember when I was in Bosnia, all of the press was hostile to Milosevic in one way or another, and as it happened, I thought that was the right bias to have. But I did realize it was a bias. And when I've been in the company of people covering Iraq, I notice this...another herd mentality, and it's been there since before the war, and it's placed a bet on quagmire at best ... And defeat at worst. And in some ways, it doesn't want its prediction to be falsified. I won't say any more than that. It's not a conspiracy, but it's definitely a mindset.

He singles out Johnny Burns of the New York Times -- again, I think, rightly -- as an example of a reporter who has kept his professional head pretty well in Iraq. But Burns is an extraordinary character to begin with.

He has an observation, as well, on the "civil war atmosphere" (seems as good a term for it as any, at least for today) in Iraq:

[Y]ou could look at any of your today's newspapers and notice it, and say well, there's a civil war atmosphere, as if that was a criticism of the Bush administration, instead of the people like Zarqawi, who have been announcing for two years now that it's their plan to create a sectarian civil war by destroying the other side's Mosques in an unbelievable piece of facistic blasphemy.

Isn't blaming Bush for a civil war in Iraq like blaming Lincoln for the South firing on Fort Sumter -- I mean, you can construct an argument for that. But I bet most people would reject it.

Duly Noted


As far as large sections of the British intelligentsia are concerned, orientalism is thought of as an historical evil, something to be ashamed of and linked, however vaguely, to such wickednesses as crusading, racism, the slave trade, colonialism and Zionism. Orientalism, by the Palestinian literary critic Edward Said, published in 1978, pioneered this paranoid approach to an essentially benign academic discipline. In his immensely influential book, Said presented a somewhat confusing survey of the way Europeans and Americans have written and thought about the orient and, more precisely, about the Arab world.

Said argued that orientalism was a sinister discourse that constrained the ways westerners could think and write about the orient. He suggested that there was a malign tradition of disparaging and stereotyping orientals in various ways that went back to Homer, a tradition that was continued by such grand writers as Aeschylus, Dante, Flaubert and Camus.

However, Said argued, in recent centuries academics in Islamic and middle eastern studies had been instrumental in framing a mindset that facilitated and justified imperial dominance over the Arab lands. According to Said (who died in 2003), the west possesses a monopoly over how the orient may be represented.

His thesis has subsequently found incongruous allies among Islamist polemicists. They too see western scholarship as a conspiracy. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, a multi-volume work of mostly western scholarship whose second edition was recently published, has attracted particular criticism from some Muslims, who argue that this sort of reference work should have been written mostly, if not entirely, by Muslims, and should have been subject to Muslim censorship.


From Fall of Orientalism by Robert Irwin, in the February issue of "Prospect."

Said and his followers come in for a share of the blame for the slow death of Arabic and Islamic scholarship in the West, but not all of it:

It would be absurd to pin all the blame for the decline of oriental studies on Said's polemic. Broader intellectual trends have had a role—a flight from difficulty, a suspicion of old-fashioned, fact-bound scholarship and a taste for deconstructive readings of classic works. And when funds are occasionally found for middle eastern topics, the designation of the new posts is dim-wittedly directed by yesterday's newspaper headlines and thus earmarked for such areas as terrorism studies or conflict resolution. In both the universities and the media there is a cult of immediacy and contemporary relevance. This cult would have seemed strange, profane and even frivolous to past intellectual generations.

Monday, March 20, 2006

Civil War or Not

Over at Donklephant, Justin asks whether Iraq is in a state of "civil war," or whether that claim is just a "media invention." My answer:

Yes, of course, it’s largely a media issue. It’s not a matter of invention. It’s a matter of naming. Nobody outside the media started this debate over “civil war,” or has been exercised about it. Why does it matter so much to the media if it’s a civil war or not? I have my guesses:

  • The media is more concerned than most other entities with finding descriptive terms for things. it’s the nature of the business to be obsessed with the words

  • The pundits need a fresh thing to fight about on Sunday mornings

  • The press is automatically adversarial to the authorities, and is constantly probing for words and terminology not being used by the White House, and then printing them, to satisfy its anxiety not to be lulled by propaganda. First it was “quagmire,” but that didn’t stick, then it was the wholesale switch from “terrorists” to “insurgents” and even in a few cases “freedom fighters;” then it was whether to call what was going on at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo “torture” or something else. That one did stick. This is just the latest round of that war of words. The press has noticed that Bush avoids “war” when talking about Iraq (read the AP coverage today of his speech on the third anniversary), and speaks instead of “liberation.” They want to drag it back to “war,” and if they can make it “civil war,” so much the better, since that undercuts the notion of “liberation.”

  • For three years, we’ve been running headlines like “violence worsens,” “security deteriorates,” “Iraq on the brink.” And it’s starting to look silly (like the “Franco still dead” gag from the original “Saturday Night Live”) because we have been writing it downward for so long, but the results continue to be a mixed bag of things getting better, things getting worse, things getting worse then better, and things just plain changing. Rather than admit the narrative has been too pessimistic all along, if we can claim the ability to now say, “it has become a civil war,” all that down-writing will be justified.

Is it really a civil war? First, the media doesn’t care. It’s latched on to those two words and started the tug-of-war, and eventually it will win. Because it cares more about claiming the word than anyone else does. The media applies “civil war” indiscriminately to conflicts that it thinks are civil wars but aren’t — the break-up of the old Yugoslavia in 1990, for instance — but not to others that are more deseving of it — the Rwanda war of 1998, for instance.

To really be a civil war, you have to have sections or factions of a country competing to be the government of that country, and putting forth claims to legitimacy. (The American Civil War really was not a civil war; the Russian Civil War was). But for the moment, Iraq doesn’t have that. It has a feckless government representing all factions, and it has an occupation, resisted by an insurgency, overlaid atop sectarian gang warfare, against a background of general tribal squabbling and heavy organized crime, and rankled by Islamist terrorism pursuing its own goals in the country.

It’s a mess, but every mess isn’t a civil war. Really, Iraq faced something more like a civil war in 2004, when al-Sadr in Najaf and Zarqawi in Fallujah had set up self-governing fiefdoms and there was no functioning, popularly chosen, constitutional Iraqi civilian government in Baghdad.

Sunday, March 19, 2006

For Whom the Belz Tolls

Please read the snippet of freewheeling shouting match, reported extensively at Rhymes With Right, among other places, between host Bill Maher and guest Richard Belzer, on one hand (abetted by Maher's audience -- no surprise) and an overmatched Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen from Florida:

Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen, over loud applause for Belzer: “Ask them [ed. -- i.e., soldiers and Marines serving in Iraq]. Ask them if it's fair! Wait a minute, wait a minute. My stepson, wait a minute, my stepson-”

Belzer: “That's bullshit: ask them! They're not, they don't read twenty newspapers a day. They're under the threat of death every minute. They're not the best people to ask about the war because they're gonna die any second.”

... Ros-Lehtinen, quite agitated: “Oh, you are though! You are though? Okay.”

Belzer: “Well I have more time, I'm not there. My life is not under threat.”

Ros-Lehtinen: “Thank you. I'm glad.”

Maher: “I think the point he's trying to make is that a 19-year-old who is in that army because he probably couldn't find other employment-”

Ros-Lehtinen: “He's a college graduate. He's a Marine officer. He volunteered for the Marines.”

Belzer: “He's the exception for the rule.”

Ros-Lehtinen: “He's not the exception for the rule. I've been there-”

Belzer: “You think everyone over there is a college graduate? They're 19 and 20-year-old kids who couldn't get a job-”


"Rhymes With Right" is so infurated he can't type straight.

Huntress notes: "When I worked in Hollywood, Belzer was considered- by those gutsy enough to admit it- an arrogant condescending prick! The few times I encountered him he lived up to that reputation."

Protein Wisdom thinks "Richard Belzer is still smarting from that fitful polyester morning he woke to the painful epiphany that he wasn’t Lenny Bruce or George Carlin—nor would he ever be.

"Hell, he wasn’t even Robert Klein."

But the best reaction, hands down, comes from Sean M., in Jeff Goldstein's comments section (he has his own blog, here, which I'm going to have to read through), who writes:

So, let me get this straight...if you support the war but don’t join up with the armed forces to go and fight, lefties scream “CHICKENHAWK!” at you, implying that your lack of military experience invalidates your opinion.

On the other hand, if you’re over there, your opinion on the legitimacy of the war isn’t to be trusted because you’re obviously some sort of moron who couldn’t get a job elsewhere, much less a college education.

An Army of David Brenners

This is how the Internet can be funnier than anything on TV. On an average TV show, you might get 5 or 7 funny writers together. On the Internet you get 100 of them, if you're lucky.

Here, Vodkapundit riffs on a story about The Artist Formerly Not Known as Prince, and says,

There's a fun little game I like to play sometimes. It's called "Summarize a Musical Artist's Entire Output in One Sentence." Catchy name, eh? Here are a few examples to get you started.

Among them, he lists:

Morrissey: "I'm a miserable virgin homosexual and nobody loves me."

The Bangles: "Whatever the Go-Go's are doing, but without all the cocaine."

Billy Idol: "I'm creepy and loud! Look at me! All creepy and loud!"

Liz Phair: "Guys suck, but I'm so so so so so so sexy, damnit."


And his readers then chime in in the comments section, with gems like:

Nine Inch Nails: "If I'm weirder and scarier than everybody else, I'll get rich."

Marilyn Manson: "If I act ten times weirder than Trent, I'll be even richer."

Nirvana: "Life sucks, then you marry Courtney Love, and you can figure out the rest for yourself."

Shania Twain: "It's easy to sell Def Leppard songs with a fiddle part--and a gigantic rack."

Dream Theater: "We want to be Rush when we grow up, but we can't write, er, songs."

Yes: "What the hell is Jon talking about now?"

Belle and Sebastian: "Quaint and lovable to the wrong people, pity."

The Pogues: "Blimey! they're still conscious!"

Pulp: "Go ahead and ignore us, it'll only make us stronger."

Guns 'n' Roses: "If AC/DC can get rich with vocals like that, Axel's going to make us a friggin' mint".

Norah Jones: "zzzzzzzzzz"

Sarah McLachlan: "if my songs won't get you laid, nothing will"

Coldplay: "if you don't Make Trade Fair immediately, I will continue to write gorgeous music with the most insipid lyrics imaginable"

Three Years On

Well, it's the day after the big anti-war protests; AP claims "tens of thousands" worldwide turned out. Down somewhat from the "millions" of 2003, but it's still the top story.

Our local contingent contributed their hundreds to the total, including enough of my newsroom colleages to make it the top topic of casual conversation. "Did you see so-and-so?" "Where did you join the procession?" "I would have carried a coffin, but I was afraid it would be too heavy."

Meanwhile, here's an interesting interview with Col. Douglas Macgregor (U.S. Army-Ret.)

They brought me in and said: "We're looking at Iraq. The chief of staff of the Army says it will take at least 560,000 troops." Well, of course I burst out laughing immediately, because those are more troops than we have in the active component. Secondly, the Iraqi enemy was always so weak. Why would you want that many forces?

When I burst out laughing, the representative said, "That's interesting, because that was Secretary Rumsfeld's reaction, and the secretary would like to know what you think." Well, I was rather surprised. Why does he want to know what I think? And he said, "He's read your book, Breaking the Phalanx, that you published back in January of '97," in which I have a chapter that talks about intervention in Iraq in response to Iraqi moves and activities, and the whole thing is over in two weeks, and we use fewer than 50,000 troops to do it.

Well, he said, "What do you think?" And I said, "Fifty thousand troops," assuming that we are going to go in from a standing start, or what later was called a cold start, and we can rapidly reinforce as necessary. But I said: "The real emphasis has to be on getting rapidly to Baghdad on a couple of axes and using mobile armored forces for that purpose. And once we get there, we remove the government, but we don't want to fight with the army, because ultimately the Iraqi army's going to have a key role in the postwar environment. They're going to have to maintain security, and there are many Iraqi army generals, based upon my experience, once again, in '91, who would be delighted to cooperate with us and could form some sort of interim government."

I said: "Bottom line is, the secretary's right. The enemy's very weak. This will not take very long," at which point in time I was told: "Well, great! Can you put together a plan?" And I said: "Sure. How soon do you want it?" He said, "Well, could you get it to us in the next two or three weeks?" I said, "Of course," and I went back, and I worked, and I put together a briefing. And that briefing was delivered on New Year's Eve, 2001.


Interesting now mainly for historical perspective, since it's all in the category of "might-have-been." But as Greyhawk point out, "Macgregor's plan would have used even fewer US forces than we actually did, and counted on a functioning Iraqi army securing the nation after the fall of the Hussein government."

Which suggests that the idea that the whole Iraq plan that worked so well as an invasion and so poorly as an occupation was not exactly what Rumsfeld had in mind, either. Neither he, nor Rice, nor Wolfowitz, nor any others among the usual suspects exactly outlined the script of the war. Instead, it seems to have been a frankenstein creation cobbled together from the specific proposals of military men, diplomats, realists, neo-cons. Hardly an ideal way to run a war.

Support the Troops; Oppose Torture

In Greek histories, Spartan mothers sent their sons to war with the commandment, “Come back with your shield, or on it.”

Spartan mothers loved their babies, too — they did not want to see dead bodies of their son brought back, as was the custom, sprawled on their shields.

But if a warrior returned alive and unarmed it meant he had broken ranks and run. It meant he had thrown away the shield that protected — not his own life, but, in the old method of fighting in phalanxes, the life of the man next to him. He had broken faith with his comrades; he had forgotten his warrior’s code.

They wanted their sons back alive, but whole in spirit as well as body. They wanted them with honor intact. Everyone today who loves a soldier, sailor or Marine understand this. We want them alive, we want them victorious — and we want them to have lives worth living when their battles are over.

The troops now fighting on our behalf in Iraq and Afghanistan need to see that the criminals in their ranks will be found and purged. They need to see that we at home don’t make excuses for bad behavior. Because if they see us doing that, it could weaken the certainty in each warrior’s own mind that he and we alike understand what he is going through, and honor the effort.

And the warrior code will weaken by that much more in the minds of American soldiers and Marines still trying to do an honest job.

Modern armies sweep into their ranks hundreds of thousands of people. Not all are fit to be soldiers. Those who are not, when discovered, should be weeded out and sent home, and if they have committed crimes in the meanwhile they should be punished for them.

But this is not just a matter of good soldiers and bad apples. Certain kinds of combat, or duty, wear down the military codes of honor. The warrior’s code frays, then the seams fall apart. Then horrible things begin to happen.

Warrior codes, whether in Sparta or in West Point, distinguish soldiers from murderers. Warriors have rules that govern when and how they kill. Learning them is part of the purpose of military training. We give soldiers the power to take lives, but only certain lives, in certain ways, at certain times, and for certain reasons.

The purpose of a code “is to restrain warriors, for their own good as much as for the good of others. The essential element of a warrior’s code is that it must set definite limits on what warriors can and cannot do if they want to continue to be regarded as warriors, not murderers or cowards. For the warrior who has such a code, certain actions remain unthinkable, even in the most dire or extreme circumstances.” [Shannon E. French, “The Code of the Warrior: Exploring Warrior Values Past and Present”]

Yet the danger of crossing that thin, sharp line that separates warriors from murderers is greatest in exactly the kind of conflict Americans face in Iraq: war not among great powers, evenly matched, but of well-equipped armies pitted against weak but merciless foes who hit and run and hide among civilians. It is the kind of place people blow up public buildings to make a political point. There is no warrior code in that; a terrorist is a terrorist, however he justifies himself.

It is not the justness, or lack of it, in a war that makes the warrior code deteriorate in any one soldier. Tennessee soldiers who fought with honor and discipline at Shiloh in 1862 turned into murderous bushwhackers by 1864. Many soldiers in Hitler’s army behaved to the end with utmost military discipline. Some of the Soviet troops who defeated the Nazis raped, murdered, and pillaged their path halfway across Europe. Japanese soldiers, brutalized by experience in China, did it to American soldiers in the Pacific and Americans did it in turn to the Japanese when they found out about it.

When warriors and murderers clash, the murderers risk nothing but death. The warriors risk more. “Their only protection is their code of honor,” French writes. “The professional military ethics that restrain warriors — that keep them from targeting those who cannot fight back, from taking pleasure in killing, from striking harder than is necessary, and that encourage them to offer mercy to their defeated enemies and even to help rebuild their countries and communities — are also their own protection against becoming what they abhor.”

And it is part of what we owe them to both believe in their honor and to remind them, and ourselves, how much depends upon it.

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Paddle Your Camus

Marc at American Future links to this wonderful assessment of the international Left's current ethical quagmire by Alan Johnson, Democratiya's editor and co-organiser of Unite Against Terror.

The piece is expanded from a speech he gave in Paris in February, titled "Camus: Moral Clarity on an Age of Terror." Camus was a good choice to hang this on, both for his lifelong opposition to totalitarianism and for his personal tragedy in trying to shore up a moderate's middle and a cross-cultural dialogue in Algeria, in the first modern war between the West and Islam. According to Johnson, "the left has not seen the terrorist threat plain":

Like the dreamy citizens of Oran in Camus' novel The Plague, it has embraced denial ('there are no rats') or worse - incoherent anti-Americanism ('the rats are to be defended') or self-loathing ('we are the rats').

"The left," he writes, "used to think it would be a truly historic moral gain when crimes against humanity trumped the claims of 'national sovereignty' and placed a genuine responsibility to protect, a solemn duty to rescue, upon an 'international community.' " And as recently as the 1990s, "it was the left who argued most strongly for a humanitarian intervention - in the former Yugoslavia and elsewhere – and struggled to make such interventions work for the people not for big power interests." But like incompetent bettors, the left has suddenly swerved into a defense of absolute state sovereignty and international rules-games just as a moment in history when a world ruled and controled entirely by nation-states is in crisis.

The left should stand in relation to this new world as the late Charles Dickens stood to Victorian England - a radical reforming critic, 'fierce and corrosive', as Irving Howe put it, putting cruelty first. Our agenda should be global democracy-promotion, free trade unions, human rights, women's rights, economic development and social justice, making tyranny history, making poverty history. In short, a new global social-democracy.

However, faced with the puzzling contradictions of the new political landscape parts of the left are sullen and negativist - anti-this, anti-that, always anti-American, but deeply unsure what they are for. Faced with the colour-coded democratic revolutions in the ex-Stalinist states (and their US-funded NGOs), or the first signs of an Arab Spring (being cheered on by 'that cowboy Bush'), or the purple fingers of an Iraqi voter (walking out of a polling station guarded by coalition troops), or the smiles of women – women! - cabinet members in Afghanistan's newly elected government (the result of a war fought by the 'Great Satan'), too many on the liberal-left are sitting on their hands. Some are even sneering and scoffing. Eyes are rolled, subjects are changed. Consequence? Large swathes of people are opened up to the reactionary anti-imperialists – who offer to theorise and justify that negativism and that scoffing and that eye-rolling.


It's a bold call to hold on to the dream, in a dark hour. Johnson concludes with an extended soccer metaphor which might lose American readers. Which would be a shame, because if you gave up you'd miss this:

COMBATIVE DEMOCRACIES

Enough, already. We need to create combative democracies marked by the proactive defence of the liberal constitutional order and the open society and promote that order and that society as non-negotiable normative ends. We should seek a more active role for an educated and aroused civil society.

In 2006 British Totalitarian Islamists marched on a public street with placards screaming 'Europe, You'll Come Crawling When the Mujahideen Come Calling'. The police looked on. Incensed passers-by were told that if they did not go away 'in ten seconds' they would be arrested. Here was Camus' 'curious reversal' in which 'innocence is called on to justify itself.' Well, enough of that.

Against Totalitarian Political Islam's anti-modernism, irrationalism, fear of freedom, loathing of the woman, hatred of the Jew, and the cult of master-slave human relations, we must wield a more powerful animating idea and educate citizens in devotion to it. I am in Paris so I do not need to cast around for that idea. It is the great promise of the liberal democratic revolutions of the 18th century – the animating moral ideas of liberté, equalité, fraternité, the rights of man, life liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We make those beautiful ideas the property of every individual by our efforts to continue - and extend globally - the social democratic, feminist and human rights revolutions of the 19th and 20th centuries.

We must not be embarrassed to treat these animating ideas as sacred. It is not the least of the baleful consequences of postmodernism that a trite cynical deconstruction of all ideals, a playful relativising of all values, and an glib mockery of the notion of truth saps the sinews, and erodes the identity, of a combative democracy – terrorism is always 'terrorism' and democracy is always 'democracy'. Inverted commas have come to replace reason. Irony has displaced intellectual responsibility to ones fellows.

We need an alternative intellectual and cultural model to the Zealot and the Deconstructionist. The Italian democratic political philosopher Norberto Bobbio wisely called on us to adhere to 'the most salutary fruits of the European intellectual tradition, the value of enquiry, the ferment of doubt, a willingness to dialogue, a spirit of criticism, moderation of judgement, philological scruple, a sense of the complexity of things'. This mentality we must pit against what Paul Berman has called 'the paranoid and apocalyptic nature of the totalitarian mindset'.

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Search Engline Follies

One of the ways to amuse yourself on rainy days, if you have a Web site, is to check your referrer logs to see what terms people have plugged into their search engines and landed on your pages as a result. Often the quest has nothing in common with the destination except a set of words, forming a phrase in the questers mind but merely scattered across the Web page.

Regrettably, my current stat counter doesn't give me a good long list of these. But the blogger Eve-Tushnet has plucked a few gems from her recent list:

swamped thigh boots
feminist meaty scroll
women using unusual objects
Human mating rituals
Radio from a penny
remove ingrained thoughts
interesting things about human development and why
rat deterrent from barbecue
WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO FEED EMOTIONALLY
Do you think that home viewing in itself makes us more impatient when watching a film like this Does the very
gorgon rug uo
does anything in pennsylvania start with the letter x
drawing of a generalized long bone
how men view relationships differently or not at all
space walk slime ball jumping
latch-hook homosexuality
sex foot cook
hey there
afghanistan banshee wreck
how does basil responds to darkness
lady getting fits
latest Diastrophism happened International
condoleezza fanfiction


Needless to say, you won't get much of an idea of what she actually writes about when you see that list. But you will get some unpleasant images of what that guy hunched over his laptop at the local Starbucks is looking for online.

I used to keep track of these for the etymology dictionary, too.. You can imagine how far-flung those results might be. I haven't updated it in forever, and the page is no longer linked, but I found the results still online, somehow, here. Here's a sample to whet your appetite:

peccary annoy
du pont teflon golf ladies
body distance
etruscan sexual practices
heifer russian translation term of endearment
angry cloud picture
waffle house jesus
birthday cakes hedgehog
useful flamengo phrases
icelandic glit
yiddish bedbug mash
is monotheism or polytheism
[editor's note: Yes.]
world's best natural breasts

Kanan Makiya

Sullivan calls attention to this attention-worthy December 2005 interview with Kanan Makiya. Makiya bravely called attention to Saddam's crimes in the 1990s, when doing so could get you killed and most in the West just weren't that concerned about them. He also was part of the "Iraqi Opposition" before the war and witnessed at close range the running of it by the White House.

His observations confirm what a lot of people who watched it from greater distance seemed to be sensing:

"You either do an occupation and you do it well, or you don't do it in the first place. But you don't do it in a half-assed way, with inadequate troop levels to boot!
The United States government never deployed enough troops. It opted for an occupation but didn't provide the wherewithal to do the job properly. Here again is this tension between the Pentagon and the Department of State. State wants an occupation, but Rumsfeld — who has theories about how to conduct warfare in the modern age with less and less troops — never wanted an occupation. In fact, he may never even have been for Iraqi democratisation. He was just an in-and-out kind of a guy. It was the other people within the defence department, in particularly the really extraordinary figure of Paul Wolfowitz, who argued the political case for democracy."


It reminded me of a snippet that's been lodged in my head from a December '03 article in the Observer on Ann Clwyd, the left-wing British MP who backed Blair over Iraq for humanitarian reasons. In it, she told of a meeting with Wolfowitz in the Pentagon in May of that year.

Donald Rumsfeld, the US Defence Secretary, and as far as many in the anti-war coalition are concerned the man most to blame for events in Iraq, put his head around the door. 'You're the man with the brains,' he said cheerily, gesturing to his deputy. 'I'm just the office boy.'

It might have seemed like just a jaunty self-effacing remark at the time, or praise for the now-departed-from-the-Pentagon Wolfowitz. But now it seems like deep irony.

Sullivan adds:

But Rumsfeld trumped Wolfowitz. My own view is that Cheney and Rumsfeld had and still have no interest in democratization, and have been "to-hell-with-them hawks" from Day One.

Right. When I see Cheney listed among the "neo-cons." I get cartoon question marks over my head. I mean, the term is amorphous and undefinable, but I feel like I know one when I see one, and Cheney's not one. Never was.

Sullivan continues:

But the real responsibility lies with the president who, as Makiya points out, seemed unable to lead decisively. Makiya is admirably frank about his own mistakes as well - particularly his misreading of the state of the Iraqi army in the last days of Saddam, which, by the time of invasion, had already basically disintegrated. But that new insight leads us to a better understanding of the last three years, and where we are now:

"When the war came the army did not fight. There was no Iraqi defeat in 2003 in the sense there was a defeat of the Nazis or the Japanese armies in World War Two. The army just disintegrated. There was no war of liberation in that sense. Our liberation and our civil war are occurring now, simultaneously, so to speak."


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Saturday, March 18, 2006

Long, Boring

... obligatory weekend post, so I can go out and drink.

Well, Blogger was up the spout last night, so I amused myself by playing dodgeball with moderate leftists and immoderate moonbats over at Donklephant, one of the other sites foolish enough to hand me a password.

And actually, a lot of good came of it, thanks mainly to Michael Reynolds of The Mighty Middle and Alan Stewart Carl of Maverick Views, both of whom are honest to goodness independent thinkers yet deeply immersed in politics. They, along with a number of the regular commenters on that site, shaped the discussion and allowed some good ideas to flow amid my jibes and brickbats. Frankly, I think Internet conversations work best with all those things going on. It should be like a philosophy debate carried on during a bar brawl.

The subject was people's decisions, in late 2002 and early 2003, to support or oppose the impending war to overthrow Saddam Hussein.

Yes, I know: "That again?"

And one of the things that had to get settled was, why on earth are we refighting this one now? Michael was the first one to suggest whatI think is the right answer: "The who-knew-what question is slipping out of current relevance and being transferred to the historians. There will be books. Many books. In ten years we’ll have a major revision. Then in ten years it’ll go the other way. Then no one will give a damn for a couple of decades. Then some future Doris Kearns Goodwin will make a pile of money reviving the question."

We’re at a point now that is far enough removed from 2003 that journalism is becoming history; the rough draft is becoming a first edition. So it’s natural that the old wars flare again, as people compete to position themselves on the high ground of morality or prescience. And since, for the time being at least, the experiment is turning out poorly, the war supporters will tend to want to back away from their predictions about WMD, and the war opponents will try to say they knew all along that all the bad things that have happened were going to turn out exactly as they have.

And each side will be watching the other closely for "history creep," for the tendency to sidle away from its real pre-war position to one that fits the narrative better and reflects more credit.

And since I happen to care about the craft of history, I tend to be all up in your grille if you're an anti-war type who insists he knew all along there were no WMD in Iraq. This isn’t just pique. It’s important to know what people thought when they made a decision. I find it interesting that some people who fully believed there was a good chance Saddam had chemical, biological, and even nuclear weapons, still chose to oppose his ouster. I am sure they have reasons to explain that, but I’d rather have the real reasons in the record than the false claims that war opponents all knew there would be no WMD.

We all weighed the same risks, in March 2003. Risks in action, risks in inaction. We all saw the same potentials. Potentials for good or bad results. We all had the same crappy choices. Do we trust Colin Powell or Hans Blix when it comes to deciding how safe we are from nuclear incineration or an anthrax attack? Do we risk killing innocent Iraqis in the process of trying to liberate them, or do we choose to do nothing, in the certainty that Saddam WILL continue killing innocent Iraqis by the thousands each year.

None of us knew at the time what weaponry Saddam had up his sleeve. Probably not even Saddam knew. We all chose — overthrow him or leave him alone — based not on our wisdom or our ignorance but on the gap between them, the fog of uncertainty.

Just so, when we each made the ethical choice to support the war or oppose the war or take some third position on it, none of us had a clue what was going to happen once it began. It would be just as easy for me to say, “I predicted or foresaw 1,000 things that could turn out well and 16 of them actually did” as it is for someone else to say “I foresaw 1,000 things going wrong and 16 of them actually did.”

That’s not foresight. That doesn’t entitle you to claim other people are uneducated or untrustworthy, compared to you, when it comes to these things.

One of my detractors, named "alice," wrote: "[T]his 'no one could have known' is so damn typical of rightists. They never ever take responsibility. One of theirs gets caught taking bribes they say, 'how about Clinton.' They are the perpetual victims of victims, it’s always someone elses fault. Losers."

But I think Alan had the answer to that, elsewhere, when he wrote, "should Iraq actually become a democracy, a lot of war supporters will say 'I knew it all the time' while leaving out the fact that it took 10 years longer than originally predicted. We all have an easier time remember where we went right rather than where we went wrong."

Or, alternatively, turn back the clock and don’t invade Iraq at all; don’t overthrow Saddam. Can you see the political hay the Democratic leadership would have made of that in 2004? I can just hear Kerry droning during a debate, “It’s been three years since 9-11, and George W. Bush has allowed this sworn enemy of America to continue hatching his plots and seeking to even the score,” etc., etc. Sabre-rattling on Iraq then becomes a Democrat’s issue and a sign of administration weakness. All the people who choose their positions for political reasons switch sides.

And that opens up another interesting question. Yes, it would be wrong of me, if Iraq turned out wonderfully, to say, "I knew it would happen." What would be correct is to say, "I hoped it would happen."

And if Iraq turns out a hellish disaster, it would be wrong of the war opponents to say, "I knew it would." But what would it be right to say? What verb would you use in place of my "hoped?" Would it be "feared?" Or would it be "hoped?"

Some of my detractors, of course, were livid at this point:

Your comments implying that I take pleasure in being right about the war going poorly are merely Karl Rove-style jingoism and I’m sure you know it. This war sucks. It’s a tragedy and it pisses me off. The only reason that I point out that people opposed the war is because you seem to be claiming that no one could have seen that the war could go badly, which is entirely wrong.

And which I never said, of course. Just because people go ballistic on you doesn't mean you've struck a nerve. But sometimes it does.

I think I understand why Cal is falsely accusing Justin of claiming to have accurately predicated exactly what would happen in the war. Cal supported the war and it isn’t going so great and he’s pissed.

What a dick.

… Cal is acting like Justin’s pre-war concerns weren’t expressed by anyone beforehand because he feels stupid for not paying sufficient attention to them.


Well, It’s awfully frustrating for someone like me to sit back and watch Iraqis and U.S. volunteers still going through so much hell after all this time. I had hoped for better. So he's right about that.

On the other hand, there’s one prediction I made before the war, and haven’t changed since, and still stand by: “It will be 20 years before we know if this is a good idea.” Because wars are rat-holes: you go in one, with one purpose, and you come out someplace totally unexpected.

And I don’t have the pleasure available to his ilk of saying “I told you so” (whether they really did or not). But I can’t say I’m especially bitter over that. It’s a petty sort of vindication, isn’t it? Or does it make him feel good?

And I can’t do much right now to get things going right again. But I can at least call bullshit on people who say they are wiser or more grounded in reality than I am just because they predicted a failure where I hoped for and longed for -- and worked for -- a success.

So I replied to him:

For all the lack of good I did, I would take the same stand again. Where is there an ounce of dignity in any other? There was more of human dignity in one of those purple-stained fingers than in all your sneers. Even now, I’d still rather be me and wrong than right and you. I can say I lent my meager strength to the ideal of justice and the right of a people not to be bullied by dictators and a chance for liberty to take root in a nation half a world away. That people I’ll never meet might have the same opportunities that have blessed our parents and our children. What did you do in the decade?

Alan seems to me to have summed up the two positions nicely with this:

Anti-war people had some valid concerns and felt shut out of the debate from the outset. Back in 2003, it seemed very few people were willing to admit that things might turn out poorly–or at least willing to debate how we’d handle turns for the worse. Now that we’ve had a much tougher time in Iraq than many pro-war people predicted, the anti-war crowd is taking this moment to say “you should have listened to us back then.” And, frankly, they’re right. There simply wasn’t enough debate before the war about how to handle negative consequences.

BUT, I completely understand the pro-war people’s irritation with the anti-war crowd. Let’s face it, two days into the conflict and many of the anti-war people were screaming “it’s another Vietnam!” Most anti-war people never even tried to support this war. In fact, many made a concerted effort to hype up the negatives and ignore the positives. So now that the anti-war crowd is saying “I told you so” the pro-war crowd is replying “yeah, but y’all have been gloom and doom even when things went right, so you’re credibility is pretty much shot.”


Others' comments began to frame a distinction worth making, that's too often not made:

“Did you believe the Bush administration’s various presentations of its case for proof that Saddam had or was actively developing WMD stockpiles were convincing”

is a different question than

“Did you believe Saddam in fact had or was developing WMD stockpiles in March 2003.”

Like a lot of the people who have been commenting throughout this debate, I answer “no” to the first and “yes” to the second.

And yet we still seem to split on the question of going to war. Some of us said yes to it; some who answer those two questions the same way said no. So I begin to suspect some other qualifying factor comes into play.

Perhaps it is the balance, in individual hearts, between realpolitik and a willingness to undertake a crusade for the sake of setting the world right.

But that still leaves me with the impression that, in the political center, the war’s supporters (taking about the pre-war choices; many have modified their answers since) were essentially more liberal than the war’s opponent’s.

It seems to me it’s possible to break down the topics regarding the decision to go to war into three large subsets:

1. The Humanitarian Justification
2. Broad Strategy in the War on Terrorism
3. Saddam as a Direct Threat to the U.S.

There’s two aspects to each of the three big questions: How important is it to you, individually, in deciding whether to support the war, and how likely is the war to make that situation better or worse?

Of the three, it seems to me the first was the strongest case — that is, the one most likely to be improved by the overthrow of Saddam. And for me, personally, it happened to be the most important consideration. My decision to support was as much ethical as geo-political.

And, as an aside, it still holds up, even amid the chaos. Bad things are happening at Abu Ghraib? Yes, and much worse things happened there under the previous ownership and still would be happening if we had done nothing but no-fly zones and sanctions. To respond “but at least it wasn’t us doing them” is to raise an important point, but it doesn’t really fit into the “humanitarian justification” category. It suggests you care who gets tortured less than you care that your hands are clean.

The third category, however, the “direct threat,” was where the administration in the White House chose to pitch its case loudest and longest. They had their reason, I’m sure. The U.N. resolutions, the perception of popular opinion in America. And that was where the case always was weakest, and has grown weaker since the revelation of the true state of Iraq in March 2003.

But the second category is an interesting one. It’s often overlooked, by people who focus on the military aspect, and dismissed as a canard by the anti-war people. But I think it was sincere, and I hope future historians won’t ignore it.

After all, it was the enlightened world opinion that told America, after 9/11, to not just go out and kill terrorists, but to “address the root causes of Muslim rage,” and to “pay attention to the legitimate grievances brought up by Osama.”

And that is what Iraq was supposed to do, in part, and has done, in part. The fact that it’s George W. Bush, written off as a strutting, smirking, cowboy-chimp moron, who is actually doing this makes it difficult for people to see. But Osama listed U.S. troop bases in SA and the sanctions in Iraq as major grievances. Well, the U.S. troop bases are out of SA, and the Iraqi sanctions are gone.

No longer can the Arab street say America only supports convenient dictators in the Middle East and never gives the people a chance to govern.

And at least one country has had the chance, and maybe still has it, to rise up and give its people good cause to live and strive and work for something and enjoy the fruits of labor. Something to aspire to besides plowing an airliner into a skyscraper and collecting the virgins.

I started this particular fight, because I thought I had noticed one of the regulars there posting a claim to have known all along Saddam didn't have WMD. He later denied he meant that and said I was calling him a liar. I wasn't; it's easy to let your memories slip, and I have to go back and re-read what I wrote back in 2002 to really know how I felt then or what I thought.

I also got called names by people who said I was attacking people for their "opinions," which should not be subject to demands for proof of evidence. But if you say, "Saddam is a jerk," that is your opinion. And if you say "I said in 2002 that Saddam is a jerk," that is a matter of fact, that can be proven or rejected based on evidence.

And it's very well to say, "I knew in 2002 Saddam had no WMD, because everything Bush says is a lie," well, then you were right, but not in a way that earns you any respect from me, or encourages me to credit any other beliefs you may hold.

And in fact some of the commenters essentially said that. E.g.: "I doubted each and every part of Bush's case for war in 2002/2003 because I hated George W. Bush." Yes, someone actually wrote that.

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Friday, March 17, 2006

Listing to Port

Jonathan Gurwitz is a columnist I enjoy and respect. His work appears in the San Antonio Express-News and is picked up in syndication by a handful of other papers, but not nearly enough. The online versions of his columns, furthermore, are a few days or weeks behind. So this new offering isn't online yet. But here's a highlight:

Something ugly is happening in America. And political leaders in both parties need to be very careful not to add to the repulsive development.

A new Washington Post-ABC News poll finds 46 percent of Americans have a negative view of Islam. That, on its own, might be disturbing but not necessarily surprising given the events of the past 4 1/2 years.

What is surprising is that the negative view Americans currently hold is seven points higher than in the months immediately following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.


Emphasis added. After exploring possible explanations, he hits on the fact that the poll was conducted at the height of the Dubai Ports World rhetoric.

Gurwitz notes something that probably won't be noted again till histories are written decades from now: For all the posters and cartoons that show George W. Bush slavering for Arab blood, it has been the president, more than any politician of any party in America today, who has been saying things like: "The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them."

And he was still saying it this mointh, while Democratic leaders like Sen. Frank Lautenberg were saying things like: "We wouldn't transfer the title to the devil, and we're not going to transfer it to Dubai."

Gurwitz writes:

There were good reasons to object to the ports deal, and the Bush administration failed miserably to brief Congress and educate the American people about the issues involved. But that's not what killed the deal or the potential to craft an agreement with the Dubai-owned company that might actually have enhanced port security.

Republicans weren't about to allow Lautenberg and Democratic Sens. Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer to outflank them on the issue of national security, even if the issues they raised were mostly canards. The view from the Capitol suddenly showed an American electorate composed of Archie Bunkers. You could almost hear the campaign pledge, "I'm not gonna let no Ay-rabs own our ports."

Given the first significant opportunity to demonstrate that the entire Arab and Muslim worlds aren't the enemies of the United States, that, in fact, we have friends and valuable allies in both, Congress well delivered the opposite message. And some of the worst pandering to fear was done by liberals who have made a political livelihood out of bashing Bush for allegedly doing precisely the same thing.

Heart of Steyn

Mark Steyn writes like this:

Most people reading this have strong stomachs, so let me lay it out as baldly as I can: Much of what we loosely call the Western world will not survive this century, and much of it will effectively disappear within our lifetimes, including many if not most Western European countries. There'll probably still be a geographical area on the map marked as Italy or the Netherlands--probably--just as in Istanbul there's still a building called St. Sophia's Cathedral. But it's not a cathedral; it's merely a designation for a piece of real estate. Likewise, Italy and the Netherlands will merely be designations for real estate. The challenge for those who reckon Western civilization is on balance better than the alternatives is to figure out a way to save at least some parts of the West.

So it's a wonder he hasn't been run out of Europe a long time ago. But now it seems to be coming to that. Here's what he said in a recent interview with Hugh Hewitt:

My relationship with the Telegraph group, which the Spectator also belongs to, deteriorated over the last year, and became adversarial, which I don't think is particularly healthy. And I don't mind ... I've been the token conservative on liberal newspapers. I don't mind an adversarial relationship in terms of your position on the Gulf War, or Afghanistan, or the European Union or whatever. I don't mind having differences with editors and so forth on that. But when it gets into, when the whole relationship just becomes generally toxic, then I think it's best to hang out your shingle somewhere else, which I will do in the United Kingdom at some point.

Boy, can I relate to that "toxic relationship" bit; not that I'm anywhere in his range. But Steyn has some other observations in the interview that get a "bullseye" score from me. Like this, on U.S. newspapers:

[I]f you get off the plane at almost any airport on the continent, and you'll pick up the local paper which will be a monopoly daily, published by Gannett or some other similar company, and it will just have like the world's dullest comment page, the world's dullest op-ed page. This is a great riveting time of war, and say what you like about crazy folks on left or right, but there's a lot to say about it. And in fact, the newspapers, and their monopolies, have made them dull, and that's the danger, I think, in much of the United States, that you want someone, whether you agree with him or not, that you want something that will be riveting and thought-provoking. And some of these guys have been just holding down prime op-ed real estate for decades. It's amazing to me.

And I work for one of the few indy papers left in the U.S. -- a city daily not owned by a chain. And our editorial page is as dull as all that, if not duller (except on the days they let me write the editorials).

Finally, there's this on Iraq:

You know, Iraq isn't a Broadway play in previews. The show has opened, and it's on now. So it's too late to have arguments about this little weak spot in the first act, and we should get it re-written. The show has opened, and the responsibility of these people involved in this, James Baker, Lee Hamilton, Rudy Giuliani, all these people, is that they should now be saying let's win it, and then have the arguments.

Courtesy of Instapundit, who doesn't need the link.

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Thursday, March 16, 2006

Late Works




Oriana Fallaci has a new book out. It likely will be her last. As I look back on the history of the decades that we've lived through, I regret many passed chances to see certain people -- Pope John Paul II's visit to my backyard, for instance. And I regret not seeing Oriana Fallaci in action.

The book is also animated by a world-class journalist’s dismay that she could have missed the story of her lifetime for as long as she did. In the 1960s and ’70s, when she was a Vietnam War correspondent and a legendarily ferocious interviewer — going mano a mano with the likes of Henry Kissinger and Yasser Arafat, Fallaci was simply too preoccupied with the events of the moment to notice that an entirely different narrative was rapidly taking shape — namely, the transformation of the West. There were clues, certainly. As when, in 1972, she interviewed the Palestinian terrorist George Habash, who told her (while a bodyguard aimed a submachine gun at her head) that the Palestinian problem was about far more than Israel. The Arab goal, Habash declared, was to wage war “against Europe and America” and to ensure that henceforth “there would be no peace for the West.” The Arabs, he informed her, would “advance step by step. Millimeter by millimeter. Year after year. Decade after decade. Determined, stubborn, patient. This is our strategy. A strategy that we shall expand throughout the whole planet.”

From Brendan Bernhard's sympathetic review in LA Weekly, who adds his own perspective to the story:

In 1995, the late American novelist Paul Bowles, a longtime resident of Tangier, told me that he could not understand why the French had allowed millions of North African Muslims into their country. Bowles had chosen to live among Muslims for most of his life, yet he obviously considered it highly unlikely that so many of them could be successfully integrated into a modern, secular European state.

But he seems surprised by the 1974 quote from Algerian President Boumedienne, which is well known to many followes of the "Eurabia" story: "One day millions of men will leave the southern hemisphere of this planet to burst into the northern one. But not as friends. Because they will burst in to conquer, and they will conquer by populating it with their children. Victory will come to us from the wombs of our women.”

He finds her book "[c]onsiderably less intemperate" than "The Rage and the Pride," which was a direct and immediate reaction to 9/11. (But the New York Sun, where I expected a warm reception for Fallaci, thinks she's jumped the shark.)

Bernhard's conclusion is a keeper:

As that Norwegian Mullah told Aftenposten, “Our way of thinking … will prove more powerful than yours.” One hopes he’s wrong, but if he is, it will be ordinary Americans and Europeans, including courageous Arab-Americans like L.A. resident Wafa Sultan and the Somali-born Dutch politician Ayaan Hirsi Ali (two women openly challenging Islamist supremacism), who prove him so, and not our intellectual classes (artists, pundits, filmmakers, actors, writers …). Many of the latter, consumed by Bush-hatred and cultural self-loathing, are perilously close to becoming today’s equivalent of the great Norwegian novelist Knut Hamsun, who so hated the British Empire that he sided with the Nazis in World War II, to his everlasting shame. The Force of Reason, at the very least, is a welcome and necessary antidote to the prevailing intellectual atmosphere.

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Carnival of the Etymologies

[A regular Thursday feature of "Done With Mirrors"]

Since religion, and specifically Christianity, has been a topic around here this week, I thought it might be a good time to explore the history and etymology of the names of some of the more prominent Christian sects in America.

The Catholic church obviously wasn't the Catholic church when it represented the entirety of European and Mediterranean Christianity. But it was catholic with a lower-case -c- in those years, since that word merely means, literally, "universally accepted." It comes from the Late Latin adjective catholicus "universal, general," a word the Romans borrowed from Greek katholikos, a word coined for the purpose from the phrase kath' holou. This is composed of kata, which usually means "down" (e.g. cataclysm, literally "a washing down;" catastrophe, literally "a down-turn;" a cathedral is etymologically a "sitting down"). But the sense of the word in catholic is "about." The second half of the word is the genetive of Greek holos "whole."

Ironically, Catholic, with a big -c-, began to be applied to the Church in Rome after the Protestant revolt broke out (its first record in English is c.1554), exactly when the description was no longer true. The more common way to refer to it in England after the religious break there was Romanist Romish, or Papist, all of which were considered insulting. Roman Catholic began to be used in 1605, originally as a conciliatory formation from the time of the Spanish Match.

The Orthodox Churches never claimed universality in their titles, but they do claim to be the true church, since Greek orthodoxos means "having the right opinion." It is a compound of orthos "right, true, straight" (as in orthopedics) and doxa "opinion, praise," from dokein "to seem."

The Proto-Indo-European roots of the two parts of this compound are *eredh- "high" (for orthos, which thus is related to Latin arduus "high, steep") and *dek- "to take, accept" (which gives doxein relatives in decent, doctor, decorate, dignity and discern).

Protestant of course is rooted in protest, which is from Latin protestari "to declare publicly, testify, protest." It's a compound of pro- "forth, before" and testari "testify," from testis "witness" (the same root as is found in testimony, testicle and many other words). The original sense of protest is preserved in the phrase "to protest one's innocence."

The meanings we usually associate with protest such as "statement of disapproval" are more modern than the religious use of the word. When the word protestant entered the religious wars (it is known in English from 1539), it carried a sense of "one who declares or states (something) formally or solemnly."

Protestant was used in German in reference to the princes and free cities who "declared" their dissent from the decision of the Diet of Speyer (1529) denouncing the Reformation. The word was taken up by the Lutherans in Germany (Swiss and French preferred Reformed), and it became the general word for "adherents of the Reformation in Germany," then "member of any Western church outside the Roman communion."

The Catholics, however, called all Protestants, regardless of sect, Lutherans in the 16th century.

The Irish have been calling their eastern neighbors Prots since at least 1725. Protestant (work) ethic, however, is translated from German, specifically from Max Weber's "Die protestantische Ethik und der 'Geist' des Kapitalismus" (1904).

The emergence of Catholic modified the use of Protestant in England, however. In the early 17th century, English Churchmen were happy to call themselves Protestants and their opponents Papists. But the use of Catholic, whose literal sense still was apparent to our better-educated ancestors, seemed to cast the non-Catholic denominations in a lesser category. Consequently, Anglican rose in favor to mean "of the reformed Church of England" (as opposed to the Roman Church).

An episcopal church is simply a church governed by a bishop (as the Anglican church in the U.S. and Scotland). In fact, the word bishop is nothing but an Anglo-Saxon garbling of Late Latin episcopus. The Latin word was borrowed from Greek episkopos "watcher, overseer," a title extended to various government officials and later taken over in a Church sense.

The word is a compound of epi- "over" and skopos "watcher," from skeptesthai "look at." That names bishop and uneasy relation to skeptic. Bishop was given a specific sense in the Church, but episkopos also was used in the New Testament as a descriptive title for elders, and continues as such in some non-hierarchical Christian sects, such as the Amish and Mennonites.

[The Amish are named for Jacob Amman, a 17th century Swiss Mennonite preacher who founded the sect; it was originally spelled Omish, which reflects the pronunciation in Pennsylvania German dialect; the Mennonites are named for Menno Simons (1492-1559) of Friesland, founder of the sect. Presumably they took his first name to avoid the negative connotations of Simon in Christianity, courtesy of Simon Magus. Their Moravian spiritual kin, the Hutterites, were named for their founder, Jacob Hutter who did not also found a chain of wing restaurants with an owl theme.]

The Presbyterian church took its name because it is a church governed by "elders" (as opposed to bishops). Presbyter has been a title for Church elders since early Christian times; it comes from Greek presbyteros "an elder," which also is an adjective meaning "older." It is the comparative form of presbys "old," a word of uncertain origin, but apparently meaning "one who leads the cattle," from *pres- "before" and the root of bous "cow."

Baptists were so-called because they revived the ancient Christian custom of baptism by full immersion. But like the Amish and Mennonites they also believed in adult baptism, and so their opponents called them all Anabaptists, which means "one who baptizes over again." The sect arose in Germany 1521, and the name probably dates from its first generation, when, as a new faith, they were baptizing converts who already had been baptized as infants in the older Christian churches. The British Baptists are not of this sect, and the anabaptist name was applied to them perhaps opprobriously, perhaps mistakenly, or perhaps due to the multiple immersions of their baptisms when they were a young sect.

The name, like so many, is from a Greek word, baptein "to dip, steep, dye, color."

Methodist, which Johnson's dictionary (1755) described as "One of a new kind of puritans lately arisen, so called from their profession to live by rules and in constant method" was the name taken almost at once by a Protestant religious sect founded in 1729 at Oxford University by John and Charles Wesley. But the name had been used since at least 1686 for various new methods of worship. Method is from Greek methodus "scientific inquiry, method of inquiry," originally "pursuit, following after," from meta- "after" and hodos "a traveling, way."

Quaker has never been an official name of the Religious Society of Friends, but it was said to have been applied to them in 1650 by Justice Bennett at Derby, from George Fox's admonition to his followers to "tremble at the Word of the Lord." However, like Methodist the word is older than the sect that now carries it, and it was used earlier of foreign sects given to fits of shaking during religious fervor, and that is likely the source here.

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Wednesday, March 15, 2006

WMD: Once More Unto the Breach

[Goddamn it. I really wanted to concentrate on something else tonight. But I hate it when people who were against the war for all the usual reasons claim now they knew exactly what was going to go wrong. And there's been an outbreak of that lately. So I spent the evening, between laying out pages, cobbling together this, for another site.]

Maybe it's just as well that this site occasionally refuses to accept my comments. It gives me a chance to expand them into full posts and thereby raise more hell.

It began with this boast by an anti-war poster:

Back before the war I was against it for many reasons, but one big concern of mine is what is happening now. We’d go in there, find no WMDs, Bush would look like an oil-hungry liar, our credibility to fight subsequent wars would fall under serious question in every corner of the globe, we would end up pulling out of Iraq before the country was TRULY ready and the three factions in Iraq would start fighting…ultimately leading to a civil war. THAT is why I opposed The Bush Doctrine. Not because I don’t think people should have the right to be free. I just didn’t believe in the shaky logic of the neo-cons “dream” scenario of being thrown candy and flowers, which completely threw blinders on to the history of that region.

What an astonishingly prescient man! He saw the whole thing in advance. And not only him, apparently. Other anti-war commenters here have his supergenius savant powers:

What is happening now is almost exactly what I was worried about as well.

Wow! And of course they committed these concerns to writing, right? These are people who post on the Internet, after all. So let's go check the record, since offering proof is only common courtesy for those who boast of Nostradamus' powers.

So as far as a timestamp goes, well Cal, that I don’t have. But I think this rather lengthy explanation with information that was ALL available pre-war is more than enough to afford me the courtesy of trust.

Ah, I see.

And no, Cal, I can’t prove it either, unless I can get some of my Repub friends to vouch for my complaints at that time.

Uh-huh, OK.

And as a matter of record, I correctly predicted every single first-place finisher in the sulky races at Brandywine in the summer of 1987. I bet on the horses merely to amuse myself, you see. But I knew every single winner. No, of course I didn't write it down at the time. But trust me.

Let's take a look at just the single interesting phrase "We’d go in there, find no WMDs ..."

Now I was watching that debate, too. And you can go see what I wrote about it at the time, if you're interested, because I did put it on the record. I was wrong about a lot of things, but probably not the things you will automatically assume based on cartoon caricatures of neo-cons.

WE KNEW THERE WERE NO WMDS

If you can’t show me where you said that, at least show me where someone you admire said it. It can’t be that hard to find if it’s true. If it's not, you're just rewriting history.

I went looking once upon a time. Here’s what I found on prominent blogs of anti-war voices.

Josh Marshall on March 18, 2003, described the looming war in these terms:

At this point, obviously I hope this goes quickly and as cleanly as possible. Getting rid of Saddam will be a very good thing as will getting rid of his WMD and ambitions to get more. I was long for something like this. I changed my position because in the course of moving in this direction we incurred an even greater risk to our security than Saddam himself was.

Duncan Black (Atrios), on March 27, 2003, quoted this Josh Marshall passage from Washington Monthly predicting the situation six months after the war:

Meanwhile, U.S. intelligence has discovered fresh evidence that, prior to the war, Saddam moved quantities of biological and chemical weapons to Syria. When Syria denies having such weapons, the administration starts massing troops on the Syrian border.

Later (April 4, 2003) Atrios went on the record about Saddam’s weaponry:

For the record, I’ve never doubted that Saddam probably has some sort of chemical weapons.

Same thing at Daily Kos. Skeptical of specific administration claims and evidences, but not of the existence of Iraqi WMD. And willing to invoke them, if they could be used to make the White House look bad.

How does the US know that Iraq has biological weapons? Easy. Because we sent them the equipment and anthrax spores to build them. [Sept. 26, 2002]

On Jan. 17, 2003, he quotes approvingly a “Christian Science Monitor” piece that claims “Iraqi forces defending the cities could try to halt invading troops by shelling them with chemical weapons,” and predicts, “Americans will die — lots of them.”

On Feb. 12, 2003, Markos, who is a military man, laid out his own set of possible Iraq war scenarios. WMD figured in them: “And if Saddam is going to use chemical weapons, this would be a good time — with US troop concentrations exposed in the open desert. … There’s no doubt that Kuwait is sufficient for staging purposes, but having a single supply line is problematic. Not only is it exposed to dehabilitating guerilla attacks, but Saddam could hamper the entire resupply operation by either detonating a nuke (if he has one) or contaminating wide swaths of the logistical lines with chemical and/or biological weapons.

Here’s Daily Kos from 09/02:

Iraq has weapons of mass destruction? Join the line. About a dozen nations have such weapons these days. Only the US has deigned to use them, and that was when it was the sole nuclear power. The threat of annihilation through retaliation has checked any subsequent use of such weapons.

The "where are the WMD?" posters at anti-war rallies began to turn up after the invasion, not before. Here's Juan Cole on April 1, 2003:

The failure of the British or US troops to turn up any stockpiles of chemical or biological weapons is striking. Perhaps it is the case that they are well hidden or that they are hidden in Baghdad or to the north. It is dangerous to get out on a limb here and say they just don't exist. But the possibility that they just don't exist now has to be taken increasingly seriously.

Emphasis added throughout. And so on and so on. I'm not blaming these people; I held about the same estimation of the likelihood that Saddam had WMD of some sort. So Juan Cole was as surprised as the rest of us by the lack of any sort of WMD stockpile? So was every intelligence agency in Europe. But now a whole lot of armchair Mid-East experts want to jump up and say they knew it all along.

Here's what I think is happening: "WMD" is a deceptive term covering a broad range of weapons, and used in slightly different contexts by different people. Iraq did have prohibited WMD in 2003: the sarin shells have since turned up across the country, dozens of them, with more perhaps to be found.

But Saddam's nuclear program, unlike what we feared and he led us to believe, was deader than a doornail. Not that he wasn't looking every day for ways to revive it. But the combination of inspections and the sanctions were keeping that out of his reach. The sanctions also were killing innocent Iraqis in batches, but that's another story. And Saddam was rapidly undermining them by exploiting the greed of French and Russian leaders, but that's another story, too.

And while nukes weren't the only WMD Bush and Blair talked about, and WMD wasn't the only topic in their brief in favor of overthrowing Saddam, it was the nukes that disturbed people most and produced money lines about "mushroom clouds" and "14-minute warning."

So people who are obsessed with what Bush said will be fixated on the fact that the administration oversold its case for Iraqi nukes. Never mind that it was never a terribly convincing case, once the administration's claims were held up to examination, which usually occurred within days of their being made.

Here's one I can tell you, and I can back it up from the record: I never believed there was solid evidence Saddam had nukes. But I didn't want to trust the 5 or 10 percent chance that he did, or would soon get them, after having stood at the barricades on Greenwich Street at Rector and stared at the latticework shell of one of the towers, fragile, fused tuning forks. Like lace, like confectionery.

The case for Iraqi nuclear WMD always was the most deadly case, and it always was the most dubious. But I have yet to meet an anti-war person who said positively, before the invasion, "Saddam has no nukes" — after all, only a prophet or a lunatic could have said that before we overthrew him and found out for sure.

It was a guessing game: Maybe he has them. Maybe he doesn’t. We don’t have the proof. But are you willing to take the chance?

But the anti-war movement that I saw wasn't capable of thinking rationally at that point. What they were saying, if you added it up was, "Bush has no proof that Saddam has WMD, and if we invade Iraq, Saddam will use WMD on our troops."

OK, fine, whatever. Lack of a coherent model of reality, and a willingness to believe mutually exclusive propositions, so long as they both make the Chimperor look bad, is a hallmark of that side of things. Come back when you get a coherent model of reality and we'll talk about voting for you.

And what baffles me is that so many people who thought there was any sort of chance Saddam had such weapons were willing, in the post 9-11 world, to let a man with his track record keep them. That’s not “anti-American, terrorist loving, moonbatish nonsense.” It is, however, like letting a live rattlesnake nest under your bed because it hasn't bitten anyone yet.

I'm not obsessed with what Bush said. That's a domestic political fixation. I'm very interested, however, in what Saddam did. And I'm glad we don't have to be worrying about it any more except in an abstract past tense.

YOU BROKE OUR CREDIBILITY!

More from our all-seeing and all-knowing commentators (though of course they already know what I'm going to say about it):

So Dems were worried that if no WMDs are found, our credibility would get knocked down quite a few notches.

Ah, of course. The Dems were worried about the credibility of America -- Amerikkka -- Indian-genociding, hiroshima-incinerating, racist-ruled, Vietnam-War-fighting, Rosenberg-executing, Israel-arming, fag-bashing, imperialist, colonialist, witch-burning, McCarthy-ruled, hypocritical, slave-owning, dissent-crushing America. They were concerned deeply. Not that they ever were concerned when their leftist buddies in academe who have been undermining that as loudly as they could for generations.

The most disappointing thing for me is that so many of the neo-cons and war hawks were too in love with the ideal of “spreading democracy and freedom through war” that they couldn’t step back to realize that if you gamble with our credibility and then screw it up, it’s going to hurt our long term chances to do it elsewhere in places where it’s really needed, like Sudan, et al. In other words, it hurts our credibility to actually fight the WOT effectively.

Of course. Our "credibility" in the world would have stood so much higher today if Saddam were still on his tyrant’s throne (remember: "we put him there") and Qusai and Uday in their rape palaces and the U.S. invaded impoverished Sudan instead.

By the way, what's with the "candy and roses" fixation. U.S. troops were greeted in many places with candy and roses and tea. There are pictures of it. So what? History is full of cases of armies greeted joyously as liberators and quickly resented as occupiers. The French in the Rhineland in 1792, for instance. Everyone likes to be liberated. No one likes to be occupied. But yes, they were greeted with flowers. What's the point?

CIVIL WAR; TOLD YOU!

With Iraq, everyone knew what failure would look like when we went in there to try to set up a democracy: either the country would revert to strong-arm rule (via a caudillo or a theocracy) or break apart into religious and ethnic enclaves.

That was understood on both sides. And the anti-war voices widely predicted both, but the ones I read leaned toward “another Saddam, backed by the U.S.,” since they assumed that outcome would suit Bush best. So, no points for predicting failure always, everywhere, at every step of the way, in a project you opposed from the start.

HUMANITARIAN JUSTIFICATION

No doubt everyone has stopped reading by this point. So I'll just add my "ditto" to these remarks from the days of the war itself:

"My own knowledge of the horrors Saddam has perpetrated makes it impossible for me to stand against the coming war, however worried I am about its aftermath. World order is not served by unilateral military action, to which I do object. But world order, human rights and international law are likewise not served by allowing a genocidal monster to remain in power."

...

"I hold on to the belief that the Baath regime in Iraq has been virtually genocidal (no one talks about the fate of the Marsh Arabs) and that having it removed cannot in the end be a bad thing. That's what I tell anxious parents of our troops over there; it is a noble enterprise to remove the Baath, even if so many other justifications for the war are crumbling."


Juan Cole, in case you're wondering. Before the BDS virus reached his brain.

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Another Church Story

Telling this parenting-and-religion story reminded me of another one.

This happened around the same time, shortly after my first marriage ended and my ex was immersing our son, then about 4, in a brand of bigoted and unthinking Presbyterianism. As part of my counter-measures to expose him to a broader range of religious tradition, I started taking him to the local Unitarian church.

My family was basically irreligious, but my parents occasionally attended Unitarian services, mainly for the social justice and the social climbing. So when the time came for me to find churches again, that was one of the first places I looked.

But Unitarianism out here, in central Pennsylvania, wasn't the same thing it was on the Main Line, where my family had lived. There, it was a fourth branch of Judaism, liberal and all but secular. The Unitarian churches looked like synagogues.

Here, the Unitarian church looked like a church, with an altar and a choir and a big painting of the Last Supper behind the altar. Symbols of all religions -- chakras and crescents and a Star of David and a cross -- hung high from the ceiling, but the mobile looked cardboard. The cornerstone outside the entrance, however, was granite and in it was engraved "Church of Our Father."

The congregation mirrored the architecture. Local Unitarians had begun as part of the old tradition of that faith, rooted in New England congregationalism but enlightened by transcendentalism. As the church building indicated, the elders felt themselves firmly within the mainstream Christian tradition.

But as this is a relentlessly conservative Christian community, the Unitarian church had become, since the 1960s, the default church for all the freethinkers, and neo-pagans, and pseudo-atheists, and Velikovsky followers, and Lord knows what else, who were not content to practice apart and who wanted to be in a congregation. By the time I got there, they perhaps outnumbered the old believers, and they had authority -- many were college professors.

They only lacked the unity of the old believers. The church's mantra was, "We don't have to think alike to love alike." Which is not a bad thing at all. And for the most part they didn't, and they did.

Still, there were undercurrents of conflict. The "Church of Our Father" name never was mentioned in any literature, and the chief expression of dissent by the old-timers was to get to the building first on Sunday mornings and pull open the carved wooden panels that covered the "Last Supper" painting, so it was visible behind the minister, even though the new Unitarians scrupulously closed it up again as soon as they had the chance.

Into this we wandered. The custom was for the little kids, such as my son, to stay for the opening of the service, then depart to Sunday school before the sermon proper began. We had been going for a few weeks. Luke had seen the adults stand up and chant in unison on certain occasions. What he thought of it all I never knew; I never pressed him on it.

Then one day, for some occasion I can't remember, the minister called all the little kids up to the front, to gather around her. She asked them some simple question, seeing one-word answers, to set up her sermon for the day.

It all happened so fast. She asked for kids, and Luke jumped out and strode up the aisle with the rest. It happened too fast for me to sit on him. I knew this was going to be trouble. He would be well out of my reach, and he knew it. And it was a constant struggle, in those years, to keep him from taking charge of every situation. He was fearless, confident, and had a Ferris Bueller-like ability to get into the spotlight.

So the minister is speaking, and I hear this child's voice, saying, "excuse me, excuse me," and I start to sink down in my pew.

She acknowledges him. He says, "I'd like to have everyone say a prayer we say in school."

And she hands him the microphone. What do they teach these people in seminaries? I guess being a Unitarian she didn't want to trample anyone's feelings.

And he takes it and stares out at the full house and begins, "I pledge allegiance to the flag ..."

It is like a prayer, if you think about it.

And they all dutifully join in; radical lesbians and Marxist college professors who probably never passed a U.S. flag without the urge to expectorate. Because they were Unitarians, dammit, and they had been drawn in by the innocence of the child leading them and were on their feet before they knew where he was going with it.

At the time I was mortified and we had a long talk. But looking back, past many changes and from a time when I have no desire to sip coffee and exchange smiles with such people as make up the core of that congregation now that the elder ones are dead, I think it was one of the highlights of his childhood. "We don't have to think alike to love alike" probably never got such practical exercise as it did that day.

And the Rest

More observers who think we screwed the pooch big time by going into an uninformed Arabophobic frenzy over the Dubai ports deal, here, and here, and here, and here, and here. Combs has the best rant:

DPW wasn't buying ports, "taking over" ports, or "controlling port security" -- it bought a company that leases 24 out of 839 terminals in 6 US ports. Got that? Leasing 24 out of 839 port terminals. Stop hyperventilating and get a grip.

DPW's security record, reliability as a business partner, and suitability for managing U.S. terminal operations were strongly vouched for by Zim Integrated Shipping Services, Ltd., Israel's largest shipping line.

If letting an Arab-owned company unload sealed containers in our ports is just too dangerous, what about letting Arab-owned companies operate passenger and cargo terminals at our airports and fly jets over our cities on a daily basis?
["Emirates Air" and its subsidiary "Emirates Sky Cargo" has Passenger and Cargo Terminal Space at JFK.]

Two weeks ago, I asked Republicans and conservatives:

Doesn't it bother you to be on the same side as the utterly hypocritical Democrats who up until now have insisted that we're not at war and that Bush is just trying to scare us with all this national security stuff? The Democrats who oppose profiling young Arab men in airports, but are eager to profile rich capitalist Arab businessmen? The Democrats whose opposition is probably fueled by longshoremen's union contributions? (DP World has a history of modernizing and greatly improving the efficiency of container operations, something the union will fight tooth and nail to prevent.) The Democrats who are tickled pink that they can demagogue this issue to appear strong on national security without jeopardizing their support from the MoveOn, Deaniac, anti-war crowd?

Apparently it didn't bother them. The Republicans in Congress, led by RINO Rep. Peter King, have raced to beat the Democrats to the credit for killing this deal. It's contemptible, craven cowardice. But it worked. DP World has announced that they'll sell all U.S. port operations to a U.S. company. There aren't many potential buyers qualified to run such operations. I hope they sell the operations to Halliburton subsidiary KBR.

No matter. Whoever the buyer is, this means container terminal operations in those six ports won't become as efficient, modernized, and secure as they would have under DP World management. But the gutless, unprincipled Republicans can breathe a sigh of relief, the Democrats can puff out their chests over their newfound national security stones, the nativists and xenophobes can turn their attention back to Mexicans, and the longshoremen's union can gloat about all the featherbedding jobs that have been saved.


But AJStrata has a good one, too:

For doing nothing but being a solid ally of the US economically, militarily and on intelligence efforts, plus offering to fund extending the inspection and monitoring cargo as it is loaded on the ships to come here to America, Dubia Ports Wolrd and The UAE were treated as terrorist criminals. It had something to do with the fact they were Arab Muslims from the Middle East so they posed a threat. The insecure amongst us outnumbered the cool headed and Congress buckled to polls to create this wretched result.

Our soldiers in harm’s way in the Middle East must train, arm and fight side-by-side with potential Al Qaeda agents. But we here in America, the ones who send out military to die in our name, cannot generate enough spine to rub elbows with UAE businessmen.

As I predicted and feared, the appetite of the Ayrab-phobes was not satiated with this one event. Their desire to rid America of those not worthy to be here is stronger than most of those who capitulated to the pressure over Dubia Ports World realized. News is out today the Ayrab Cleansers are now looking at ownership of airlines.


Come back in 5 years and see where we are and tell me if this was such a no-brainer. Somehow, though, these voices never got a hearing. I suspect it's because it's hard to be heard in the middle of a stampede. And then when the only prominent national figure who accidently agrees with you (via covering his sorry ass) is George W. Bush, nobody is going to listen anyhow. Pity. Because they were right. And so was he, in an "even a blind squirrel finds a nut sometimes" way.

Tuesday, March 14, 2006

Inescapable Bias

I'm looking at news results on the Web for today's ruling by U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in the Zacarias Moussaoui death penalty trial. [I'm not going to link directly to these, because the links and the heads will change over the next few hours.] Here's the headlines currently at the top of the list:

Judge Penalizes Moussaoui Prosecutors by Barring Major Witnesses
[New York Times]

Judge to Let Feds Seek Moussaoui's Death
[AP via Yahoo! News]

This is the sort of situation where the media can reveal its bias, or where watchdogs of the media will invariably detect bias. I doubt there's much deliberate bias involved in writing these particular headlines.

True, if you hate Shrubbie McChimplerburton as much as many of my co-workers do, you will naturally (by which I mean without deliberate malice) write the type of headline that emphasizes how the government screwed up and how they are losing.

But even if you don't you'll have to write it one way or another. Because Judge Brinkema in her ruling said X. And she also said Y. Life often is like that. The news often is like that. Iraq is like that every day. So is the economy. So is your kid's report card.

Even if you write, "Judge says X but she also says Y," or "Judge says Y but she also says X," you have to put one first. It's impossible to write them both at the same time unless you overlap the print and make it illegible.

So you write a headline that says, "Judge Says X." Or "Judge Says Y." Depending which thing, as you see it, is more important. It can be slightly more important or dramatically more important, but that doesn't matter. You wrote headline X or headline Y and let the lede of the story say both.

And therein lies a bias, real or perceived.

The headline on the AP story (the one Yahoo! is running) as it appears on my newswire at my desk is In blow to Moussaoui prosecution, judge bars some witnesses but leaves death penalty option which attempts to say both things in the headline, but this sort of headline can only exist on the wire desk. It's far too long for a newspaper, or even a Web news story. So it gets edited, as Yahoo! did. And there it comes out Judge to Let Feds Seek Moussaoui's Death.

Other headlines to various versions of this story on the Web right now:

Judge deals blow in Moussaoui trial
[Reuters]

Which is poor because it doesn't give any indication of who suffered the blow.

Moussaoui case postponed until Monday
[AFP]

Which lamely punts the whole crux of the story. Yes, she did that, but it was because she did these other two things that were more important.

Some of the headlines on the wire tonight look like this:

Judge bars tainted testimony from Moussaoui trial
[Scripps Howard News Service]

Moussaoui Judge Bars Testimony of Coached Witnesses
[Newsday]

Judge Axes Big Chunk of Moussaoui Prosecution's Case
[McClatchy News Service]

Moussaoui Judge Rules Out Aviation Evidence
[Los Angeles Times]

Judge Rules Prosecutors Can Seek Death for Moussaoui
[The Washington Post]

The bias will be on the pages, whether or not it is in our heads and hearts.

God and Man

This is awkward, because I live most of my life in and among people and pursuits with whom I am now jarringly out of step in my political and ethical commitments.

When I started this blog, for instance, one of the first other bloggers to link to it was a woman who is, by her own description, the daughter of hippies, raised in the mountains of northern California in the 1970s, now married with a 5-year-old child and living as a suburban stay-at-home mom in a Silicon Valley suburb. The casual mentions of Prada and Paris suggest there's a lot of money involved.

I can't imagine anyone more unlike me in attitude and beliefs, but because my other Web sites are concerned with language, poetry, literature, and such topics, she seems to have felt an affinity without reading the political matter, and kindly put up a flattering link.

It's awkward because I don't want to betray her kind words, but when I read her site, much of which concerns the daily business of raising a child, I often meet things that make my jaw drop.

Like the day she heard her son say "God Bless."

I let it go once, and that was enough for me.

"We don't say that," I said the next time. He didn't really even pause, just continued on. But it happened again. "Honey, I said, we don't say 'God Bless.' " I would have gone into reasons, but he didn't seem interested. Why not a simple "have a nice day?" I thought.

I never really made all that much out of it and neither did he, but one day while talking with my husband in the car, Simon said it again. "Who on earth is saying "God Bless" to our kid? I asked.


Finally she brings it up in the presence of her husband, who tells her the boy's really saying "Gotta blast!" Which is something he picked up from the one cartoon he's allowed to watch, "Jimmy Neutron."

Which was the point of the post, to tell a humorous story, but I can't help thinking what will happen to a child who is taught "God" is a dirty word. My prediction: He'll grow up to be a TV preacher. You have to give your children something to rebel into, when the time comes, and if you've put religion outside the pale, chances are that's where they'll end up.

As a secularist polytheist agnostic, I can sympathize with a parent's dilemmas about religion. But if you're going to raise a child to function in modern America, you have a duty to teach him or her about religions, good, bad, and ugly.

Just like if you want to be a serious student of English literature, you have to know your King James Bible inside and out, no matter what you believe, personally.

The whole process can be layered in ironies. When my son was little, after his parents divorced, his mother started taking him to a fairly fundamentalist and uncreative Presbyterian church. I knew he'd have trouble there, as a sensitive and active kid.

As a secularist polytheist agnostic, I was delighted: There's no better way to assure a sensitive and intelligent child grows up to reject Christianity than to subject him from an early age to the bigoted and simplistic version of it. Except maybe to teach it to him in public school, but that broad path to atheism, alas, is now blocked off.

So my ex had my son baptized, and things went wrong from about that point. He hated having water on his face at that age (a result of some bathtime trauma) and he at once turned to the congregation and said, "does anyone have a towel?"

She made him dress in a monkey suit and sit through sermons on hot summer mornings. He used to squirm out of his clothes and at one point was down to just underwear -- he and the Jesus-on-the-cross picture.

And before long, he encountered the hair-raising, blood-curdling stories at the core of Christianity -- God tells Abraham to kill Isaac, his son. God kills his own son. God sends people to hell for eating sushi, "If any one comes to me and does not hate his own father and mother," all that sort of thing.

It's in there. It's a wonder to me that anyone but the most simple, or the most sophisticated, minds can accomplish the art of living a Christian life. "Intelligent, sensitive child" falls right between those safe extremes.

And I knew his mother, or the preacher she'd chosen, would be incapable of putting these stories into the kind of context that would make them swallow-able.

So it fell to me -- secularist polytheist agnostic -- to try to give him an education in Christianity for all the good it can do, for all the light and honor it can embody, and to show him the complexity of it, and the mix of mud and glory. In other words, to find the place where he could plug into the faith.

Then in later years, as his peers in their conservative Christian community rebelled into goth-dom and Wicca, it fell to me to point out the superficiality of those practices, as they are commonly acted out in teen life, and the fact that real asratu or wicca, the authentic form of what the modern New Age faiths palely echo, were ritual, communal, and not built out of personal psychological needs of the moment.

Not to make him one thing or the other, not to steer him into or away from anything, simply to keep him balanced and capable of making his own free choice -- or hearing the voice that calls.

As the gods choose.

Monday, March 13, 2006

Council Winners

Late, as usual for me, but the Watcher's Council winners for the week are up.

Winner among council members was The Bloody Borders Project at Gates of Vienna, which, through painstaking work, actually manages to map (and graph) the "bloody borders" of Islam, a phrase made famous by Samuel Huntington.

Second place among council posts went to The Glittering Eye for From Way Up Here, a mighty bit of synthesis work (something Dave does particularly well), riffing on “The Breach” by New Sisyphus and Michael Reynolds' “A Not Entirely Crazy Idea.” Heck, even I'm in there somewhere.

Outside the council, I'm pleased to report the first-place post was Ex-Taliban at Yale: another changed mind? by blog-friend Neo-Neocon. I like her angle on the "ex-Taliban-at-Yale" story better than much of what I'm reading on the right-of-center blogosphere. Perhaps because, in part, like her, I believe in the transformative power of America and Americans on our one-time enemies. I remember the stories the old farmers told around Chester County, about the German POWs who were sent out there during World War II to labor in place of the young men then in uniform. How many of those average Germans went home with a great appreciation and respect for the U.S. that they never would have acquired had they simply been kept in pens at home.

Second place in this category was a tie. Just a Passing Thought... by Varifrank, a look at Iran's nuclear ambitions with some historical examples.

The other was Shop and Awe by Intel Dump, which is a fantastic post, for my money.

During 2003, I was an intelligence officer assigned to CENTCOM in support of Operations Enduring and Iraqi Freedom. I worked hard to win, but the military machine of which I was a tiny part can only secure a partial victory. If U.S. trade policy were better adapted to the post 9/11 world, we might ultimately win by dropping more currency than cruise missiles. Call it “shop and awe”.

I spent the initial phases of Iraqi Freedom in Qatar. Right after, we had declared “mission accomplished”, CENTCOM lowered the force protection level enough for a few of us go exploring the in the souk, or market, in Doha, Qatar. Two of us wandered into a shop selling beautiful Persian silk rugs.

“You are American soldiers?” the proprietor asked in accented English. Damn, the haircut gives us away every time.

“Yes sir,” I replied. “Where are you from in the world?”

“Iran,” he stated glaring defiantly from under his turban--a challenge probably borne from watching too much “reality” TV on Al Jazzera.

“Really?” I replied. “It’s too bad our two countries don’t get along better. My grandfather spent some time in Iran, and he loved it.” (After thirty years in the Air Force, his military adventures are so much better than mine.)

It wasn’t the reply he was expecting, and the glare turned into a quizzical stare. I started looking around. My family has several nice rugs from my grandfather’s travels so I know a little about them. I showed my buddy how the weave in the silk makes them appear to change colors based on the angle you look at them.


As they say, go and read the whole thing.

War Without End




Every generation has its own Civil War. Now, I think, we have ours.

I haven't yet read "Upon the Altar of the Nation: A Moral History of the Civil War" by Harry S. Stout. But I've been following the reviews and assessments of it since its publication this year. I'll read it after I get through my current pile (which includes John Lewis Gaddis' history of the Cold War and the cranky, brilliant book on the theory of typography by the poet Robert Bringhurst).

There never was a single, stable "Civil War" in the discipline of history, at least as academic historians write it. You get closer to the memories of the soldiers in Bruce Catton, but he's not a historian. You get closer to the battlefield realities in "Red Badge of Courage," but Crane wasn't a historian, either.

Historians bring their agendas to their typewriters. They agree on the dates of the battles, but not much else. The disagreement is not so much among contemporaries as it is between generations.

A century ago, at a time of high immigration and social unrest in America, the emphasis in Civil War works was on the consistency of white American and constitutional values on both sides.

Ella Lonn's "Desertion During the Civil War," written in 1927, long has been a standard reference work on its topic. Yet Lonn seems to be writing with an eye on her own time, in the wake of World War I, which brought up a great many of the ugly things in American democracy that we think only emerged during the Cold War. She alludes to it often, and seems intent on pointing out that the horrors of war -- any war -- are more worthy of note than the characters of men who desert from armies.

The key passage of her introduction is this one:

The writer ventures the hope that by turning a search-light on a question which could scarcely have found a tolerant reading a few decades ago, a few persons will, perchance, be led to a more tolerant view in discussing and pondering the problems of our recent World War on which passions are still inflamed.

In the '50s and '60s, the war was invoked to prove Marxism. In the 1980s, historians rewrote it yet again to emphasize the role of slavery and blacks, in part in response to contemporary social justice issues as perceived by the historians.

No lesser person than the reigning dean of American Civil War historians, Prof. James McPherson, has eschewed objective reality. He has said the process of "doing history," not the reconstruction of an elusive truth, is the goal:

I think it's probably true that in a literal sense it's impossible to establish objective, historical truth. My feeling about this is let a thousand flowers bloom' -- is that the Chinese saying? That's the nature of the writing of history, that it's constantly in flux and in contestation. That's what makes it interesting. The ideal of an objective truth about history is a will of the wisp, I don't think there is any such thing. History is basically what we think about what happened in the past, what we think it means. And everybody is going to have a somewhat different perspective on that, or different schools of interpretation are going to have different perspectives on that.

The the American Civil War would have a new birth of scholarship after 9/11 was inevitable. An astute observer even could see the shape it would take, as newspaper started invoking the Civil War in strange and unexpected ways.

"Unexpected" because in the previous generation of scholarship, the war had been presented as a tale of unremitting aggression and venality by the Southern planter class. The North was, at most, a passive partner in the union, pricked into indignation by the "slaveocrats" and their insatiable lust for control. The South provoked the war, and the North, though somewhat unwillingly, gradually awoke to its true calling and embraced the idea of liberating the slaves as the central theme of its cause. McPherson, as much as anyone, is responsible for delineating this version.

But after 9/11, in the columns and essays written by opponents of an aggressive U.S. war against the Taliban and al-Qaida, the grim, grizzled face of William T. Sherman began to appear. His furious slash-and-burn march through Georgia in 1864 was invoked as an instance of "American terrorism."

To the invokers, Sherman's March was a convenient image. They felt frustration over the U.S. government's tendency to brand the "terrorism" label on everything it doesn't like while it turns a blind eye to brutality by its allies. So these people wrote reminders of America's own record of "terrorism." In addition to the genocide of the native peoples and the Vietnam War and Hiroshima, the march through Georgia joined the short list.

To those of us who followed the Civil War for some time, hearing the liberal/left wing of the American political spectrum implicitly sympathize with the South (by reclassifying Sherman's march from "act of liberation" to "act of terrorism") was astonishing. The same side that always execrated everything Confederate, right down to the flag, now found it convenient to wave the bloody shirt over Sherman's march.

Now that the contemporary topic of obsession is the U.S. war in Iraq, and the overall "War on Terrorism," as waged by the Bush Administration. Can you guess the uses that a professor of American religiouus history at Yale would make of this?

From Publishers Weekly:

In the Civil War, Union and Confederate soldiers alike marched to battle believing God was on their side. Stout, professor of American religious history at Yale (The New England Soul), artfully and eloquently examines the evolving rhetoric of warfare, both Northern and Confederate, within the rubric of "the just war" theory of conflict. Stout ... makes clear that most high-minded utterances obscured, rather than clarified, the economic issues that lay at the heart of the conflict. Stout argues that even today the moral justifications for the carnage ring louder than do the sordid dollar-and-cents realities that underlay sectional differences. ... Stout's contention that even the North engaged in immoral acts in prosecuting the war will rattle many, but the questions he raises are important in an era when humanitarian justifications for war are increasingly common.

From Booklist:

Stout's ambitious yet compelling thesis is that Americans' sacred devotion to their nation and its symbols is the product of massive blood sacrifice; as the war transformed from a just defensive war fought for politics and necessity into a moral crusade in which both sides fought under the banner of freedom, bloodshed infused Americans with new conceptions of nationhood and new depths of horror.

From the book jacket:

When the nation tore itself apart during the Civil War, the North and the South marched under the banner of God. Yet the true moral aspects of this war have received little notice from historians of the period. In this gripping volume, Yale religious historian Harry S. Stout demonstrates how both groups’ claims that they had God on their side fueled the ferocity of the conflict and its enduring legacy today. ... Stout reveals how men and women were ensnared in the time’s patriotic propaganda and ideological grip and how these wartime policies continue to echo in the debates today.

Emphasis added throughout. Land sakes, you hardly have to read between the lines to see where this is going. The only really amusing thing for me is to watch the fluttering eyelids and trembling shock as students of history as it has been written awake to the fact that "even the North engaged in immoral acts in prosecuting the war." Can you believe it!? Those of us who have found much to sympathize with in the South's storyline and who have been slapped down as "slavery apologists" or "racists" for it, will get a chuckle or two out of this, no doubt.

Just because the North was atrocious doesn't make the South justified, of course, but so many people have been so insistent over the years on a good guys-bad guys version of the thing. Wake up and smell the nuance!

As for the Civil War's relevance to contemporary issues, I agree with the conclusion of this less-than-positive review of Stout's book by the fascinating Ross Douthat.

A decade after Appomattox, faced with a situation similar to ours in Iraq — a society half-reshaped and restive, a low-level insurgency, a mounting financial cost — the North elected to abandon Reconstruction, return power to the defeated slaveholders, and forsake the people it had fought a war to free. For a long time they were praised for it by pro-Southern historiographers who saw Reconstruction the way the Left sees the Iraqi occupation, as an overzealous attempt to impose a way of life by force on an unwilling culture. Later it was pointed out that Reconstruction was hardly worse than the apartheid that came after and that perhaps the North should have stayed longer and done more to root out the pathologies of the conquered South.

The choice is no easier in hindsight than it was in 1876. Nor are other wartime dilemmas: People are still arguing over Hiroshima 50 years later; they will still be arguing over Iraq a century hence. Just-war theory is a noble attempt to ease the tensions between Christian ethics and the nature of warfare, but neither Christians nor armchair statesmen should pretend that these tensions don’t exist. The choice between justice and necessity, or a greater justice and a smaller one, is perhaps the most difficult that any nation faces, and where we differ on which end to choose we would do well to heed Lincoln’s admonition and judge not lest we be judged.

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Why Some Poor Lands Stay Poor

One theory, at any rate:

Many people have an optimistic view of politicians and civil servants—that they are all serving the people and doing their best to look after the interests of the country. Other people are more cynical, suggesting that many politicians are incompetent and often trade off the public interest against their own chances of re-election. The economist Mancur Olson proposed a working assumption that government’s motivations are darker still, and from it theorized that stable dictatorships should be worse for economic growth than democracies, but better than sheer instability.

Olson supposed that governments are simply bandits, people with the biggest guns who will turn up and take everything. That’s the starting point of his analysis—a starting point you will have no trouble accepting if you spend five minutes looking around you in Cameroon. As Sam said, “There is plenty of money…but they put it in their pockets.”

Imagine a dictator with a tenure of one week—in effect, a bandit with a roving army who sweeps in, takes whatever he wishes, and leaves. Assuming he’s neither malevolent nor kindhearted, but purely self-interested, he has no incentive to leave anything, unless he plans on coming back next year. But imagine that the roaming bandit likes the climate of a certain spot and decides to settle down, building a palace and encouraging his army to avail themselves of the locals. Desperately unfair though it is, the locals are probably better off now that the dictator has decided to stay. A purely self-interested dictator will realize he cannot destroy the economy and starve the people if he plans on sticking around, because then he would exhaust all the resources and have nothing to steal the following year. So a dictator who lays claim to a land is a preferable to one who moves around constantly in search of new victims to plunder.

Friday, March 10, 2006

Profumo Scandal





Christine Keeler ... Mandy Rice-Davies ... Stephen Ward ... Eugene Ivanov ... Johnny Edgecombe ... names and faces from a long-ago scandal drift out of the mists tonight with the death of John Profumo. But as scandals go, it's a sweet one. Over the years I've worked with several people who, without having the remotest connection to it or even having lived through it, have become delightfully obsessed with it.

Profumo more than redeemed himself:

Within days of quitting politics, Mr Profumo walked into Toynbee Hall, an east London charity, and asked to help with the washing up.

More than 40 years later he was still working for the charity, with which he had stints as chairman and president.


There's also a film version, flawed, but interesting. Ian McKellen plays Profumo.

Dubai-ous Business

Well, the Dubai ports deal is dead. Everybody happy?

If this is what it takes to create the impression of unity in this country, I'm beginning to be fond of the polarized debate of three weeks ago. A "get Bushie-boy at any cost" attitude on one side, a "no Arabs allowed" knee-kerk on the other, and a center that fulminated and bloviated in inverse proportion to what it knew about the issues and characters and historical perspective and facts of the case. Bloggers who did actually understand something about any of this were drowned out in the tidal roar of a perfect storm ginned up by a right-wing radio talk host. Good job, America!

Now that it's done, the hangover is starting to hit. A Washington Post editorial lacerates the guilty:

But our brave new Congress has achieved more than the irrational spiking of one business deal. It has also sent a clear message to the Arab world: No matter how far you move along the path of modernization and cooperation, Americans may be unable to distinguish you from al-Qaeda. Dubai welcomes hundreds of ship visits every year from the U.S. Navy and allied ships. It has worked with U.S. agents to stop terrorist financing and nuclear cooperation. But none of that mattered to the craven members of Congress -- neither to the Democrats who first sensed a delicious political opportunity nor to the Republicans who then fled in unseemly panic. As to long-term damage to the United States' security, economy and alliances? Not of concern to the great deliberative body.

In the same paper, David Ignatius gives the morass a personal perspective:

The ports deal was part of the UAE's embrace of things Western. Wednesday night, I traveled with the minister of higher education, Sheik Nahayan bin Mubarak, to the dusty city of Al Ain to attend a Mozart festival at which the Vienna Chamber Orchestra performed. And I visited the American University of Sharjah, created nine years ago as a beacon of liberal arts education. On a wall next to the chancellor's office is a photo of the twin towers in New York, taken by one of the students on June 8, 2001. "There are no words strong enough to express how we feel today," reads a statement signed by UAE students.

Villainous Company riffs on this and scorches the Republicans -- and believe me, she's no Daily Kos:

Thank you, Senators Schumer and Clinton for opening your stately blowholes and fanning the flames of xenophobia and ignorance. Oh, and congratulations to the Republican party for your stellar support of the war on terror. Now if we could only win the war on stupidity here at home. I'm sure our armed forces will remember you fondly the next time we need to negotiate logistical arrangements or port privileges with the Arab Emirates.

I never thought I would say this, but if this is how we behave during wartime, perhaps I should reconsider my party affiliation. The President hasn't lost me: the reprehensible and cowardly behavior of the Republican leadership on Capitol Hill is rapidly turning me off. It is not up to the President of the United States to micromanage business deals and do Congress' homework, to twist the arms of his party to gain their cooperation in a deal most people privately admit is not a security risk. That is the job of party leadership. It's called delegation.


You want to get a feel for a people in the world today? Visit them where they shop. Martin Kramer visits a mall in Dubai.

Orientalist kitsch? Definitely. But Arabs have built it. Such cross-cultural play is possible only where people are comfortable with amalgams. To see the incredible mix of people strolling this mall, happily shopping for designer labels and making their choice at the 21-cinema "megaplex," restores one's faith in the Arabs' potential for embracing a global future. It's no doubt fragile, this odd experiment in our own style of consumerism, on a stretch of hot sand a world away from us. That's all the more reason not to turn Dubai into a whipping boy for our disappointment with the rest of the Arab world.

Finally, Captain Ed grades the performances, and hands out "Fs" all around -- including the blogosphere:

Too many of us jumped to the conclusion we saw when the media first reported this deal, myself included. When it became apparent that the facts had been badly misrepresented, some decided that further criticism equated to either xenophobia or bigotry (echoing the White House) or an inability to see past the media's supposed chicanery. Others assumed that those bloggers who dropped their objections either had become Bush toadies or more concerned with money than national security. This name-calling continues to this hour by otherwise respectable and rational bloggers, and both sides ignore that the deal has enough complexities and implications for national security and the war on terror for both sides to make entirely rational arguments for either supporting or opposing the deal. For some reason, online commenters stopped assuming that their friends and colleagues operate from sincere beliefs and honest motivations.

Thursday, March 09, 2006

Glucksmann

André Glucksmann, though a European, is one of us -- a "Left Behind." A free-thinker and philosophical liberal who took part in social progress movements in the 1960s and today recognizes in Islamist totalitarianism a distilled and virulent strain of the old enemy of the liberal soul. Here he lays it all out (this is a translation), in the hope, probably vain, of reaching those who call themselves liberals but still don't get it.

Civilised discourse analyses and defines scientific truths, historic truths and matters of fact relating to knowledge, not to faith. And it does this irrespective of race or confession. We may believe these facts are profane or undignified, yet they remain distinct from religious truths. Our planet is not in the grips of a clash of civilisations or cultures. It is the battleground of a decisive struggle between two ways of thinking. There are those who declare that there are no facts, but only interpretations - so many acts of faith. These either tend toward fanaticism ("I am the truth") or they fall into nihilism ("nothing is true, nothing is false"). Opposing them are those who advocate free discussion with a view to distinguishing between true and false, those for whom political and scientific matters – or simple judgement – can be settled on the basis of worldly facts, independently of arbitrary pre-established opinions.

A totalitarian way of thinking loathes to be gainsaid. It affirms dogmatically, and waves the little red, or black, or green book. It is obscurantist, blending politics and religion. Anti-totalitarian thinking, by contrast, takes facts for what they are and acknowledges even the most hideous of them, those one would prefer to keep hidden out of fear or for the sake of utility. ...

It is high time that the democrats regained their spirit, and that the constitutional states remembered their principles. With solemnity and solidarity they must recall that one, two or three religions, four or five ideologies may in no way decide what citizens can do or think. What is at stake here is not only the freedom of the press, but also the permission to call a spade a spade and a gas chamber an abomination, regardless of our beliefs. What is at stake is the basis of all morality: here on earth the respect due to each individual starts with the recognition and rejection of the most flagrant examples of inhumanity.

[emphasis added]

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Who Knew?

I had the power to reduce mild-mannered moderate bloggers to frothing rages with a single clumsy comment? Something in the air today. "Hey, Rocky; watch me pull a rabbit out of my hat."

Ditto

John Cole sez:

I understand that one of the necessities for majority status is coalition building, but I am almost to the point that I would be willing to let the entire Santorum wing of the party die off- even if it meant minority status for the next ten years. Although on many budgetary issues this is the wing that holds down spending more than the rest of the coalition (given the spending of the past few Republican congresses, that isn’t saying much), I am sick of their antics, I am sick of their culture wars and their pet wedge issues, I am sick of them ramming God down everyone’s damned throat, and I just want them to go away.

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Did You Hear the One About

The university newspaper in Canada that proudly refused to publish the "inflammatory, offensive and hateful" Jyllands-Posten cartoons, but then a week later proudly published this?

Oh, the things you didn't know before there were blogs.

[Hat tip: Small Dead Animals]

UPDATE: It was noted by an astute reader on another site that the link, and quote, I gave for the newspaper's opinion on the Muhammad cartoons actually was to a statement the paper published from a CAIR representative. The newspaper's editorial stance, less firebrand, but more simpering, is here.

Carnival of the Etymologies

[A regular Thursday feature of Done With Mirrors]

This one had my fellow copy editors reaching for the dictionary: Bodies found garroted in Baghdad.

Ah, the garrote, the death which Major John Richardson, in "British Legion" (1837) pronounced without hesitation "at once the most manly, and the least offensive to the eye."

As a method of capital punishment, it was associated with Spain, thought it became a common criminal's trick in mid-19th century Britain. The word itself is Spanish, and it refers not to the cord or the strangulation, but to the stick used to wind the cord or collar tightly enough to kill the victim. Garotte meant "stick, club."

The origin of the word is unknown, but it may come from Old French guaroc "club, stick, rod, shaft of a crossbow," which is probably ultimately a Celtic word.

Don't confuse your garrote with your gibbet. A Gibbet is a gallows; it's a Middle English borrowing from Old French gibet, a diminutive of gibe "club," which is perhaps from a Frankish word meaning "forked stick." The verb meaning "to kill by hanging" is recorded from 1646.

All this got me thinking about words for execution, including execution, which comes from Latin executionem, an agent noun from exequi, a compound word which literally means "to follow out."

Its sense of "a putting to death" is from Middle English legal phrases such as don execution of deth "carry out a sentence of death." The literal meaning "action of carrying something into effect" also came into English in the Middle Ages, giving the word a double sense that John McKay, coach of the woeful Tampa Bay Buccaneers, punned on when asked by a reporter what he thought of his team's execution. He replied, "I think it would be a good idea."

Executor and executioner formerly were used indifferently, since both are carrying out legal orders.

One common modern method of legal execution is to electrocute the condemned. This word was coined in American English in 1889, when the first one was introduced in New York as a humane alternative to hanging.

The word was coined barbarously from electro- and the final syllable of execute. The sense involving accidental death is first recorded in 1909 and ill-fits the word, etymologically. Fry as a slang verb for "execute in the electric chair" dates from 1929.

Another notorious machine of execution that began as a humane alternative is the guillotine, a name coined in 1793, in allusion to Joseph Guillotin (1738-1814), the French physician who, as deputy to the National Assembly (1789) proposed, for humanitarian and efficiency reasons, that capital punishment be carried out by beheading quickly and cleanly on a machine. The first one was built in 1791 and first used the next year.

Behead was Old English beheafdian. The be- in this word has privative force, which is an unusual use of it in English. It more typically is intensitive (e.g. belabor = "to labor very much"). But the prefix also can be causative, or have just about any sense required. It was highly productive in the 16th and 17th centuries in forming useful words, many of which have not survived, e.g. bethwack "to thrash soundly" (1555), and betongue "to assail in speech, to scold" (1639).

The other old method of execution, of course, was hanging. Extra-legal execution by hanging in the 20th century was called lynching, though that words in the 19th century had a much broader application to any sort of summary justice, especially by flogging.

The origin of the word is the subject of raging debate. Clearly it comes from the common surname (which represents either Old English hlinc "hill" or Irish Loingseach "sailor"). But which one? The most likely candidate seems to be William Lynch (1742-1820) of Pittsylvania, Virginia, who c.1780 led a vigilance committee to keep order there during the Revolution. Other sources trace the name to Charles Lynch (1736-96) a Virginia magistrate who fined and imprisoned Tories in his district c.1782, but that connection is less likely.

An old and gruesome type of execution was drawing and quartering. Usually this is explained as "drawing" or pulling the condemned into four pieces by tying his extremities to four horses pulling in different directions. But some early 14th century uses suggest the drawing was dragging the criminal to the place of execution -- drag and draw being etymologically the same word.

As for quarter, the sense of "parts of the body as dismembered during execution" is the earliest recorded use of that word in English, dating from before 1300.

Burning at the stake is another famous form of legal execution, primarily reserved for heretics, since such a death enacted popular beliefs regarding the punishments of Hell. The stake as a place of execution is attested in English from c.1205.

The fires were kindled with bundles of twigs, called faggots, so that the phrase fire and faggot was used to mean "punishment of a heretic." Heretics who recanted were required to wear an embroidered figure of a faggot on their sleeve as an emblem and reminder of what they deserved.

This has led to the widespread but mistaken insistence that the modern slang term faggot "male homosexual" originated because male homosexuals were burned at the stake. This is an etymological urban legend. Burning was sometimes a punishment meted out to homosexuals in Christian Europe (on the suggestion of the Biblical fate of Sodom and Gomorah), but in England, where parliament had made homosexuality a capital offense in 1533, hanging was the method prescribed.

Any use of faggot in connection with public executions had long become an English historical obscurity by the time the word began to be used for "male homosexual" in 20th century American slang.

The slang use of faggot instead is probably from earlier contemptuous use of the word to mean "woman," especially an old and unpleasant one, in reference to a "bundle of sticks," as something awkward that has to be carried. The word was used in this sense in the 20th century by D.H. Lawrence and James Joyce, among others. It may also be reinforced by Yiddish faygele "homosexual," literally "little bird." It also may have roots in British public school slang fag "a junior who does certain duties for a senior," with suggestions of "catamite," which comes from ther verb fag.

Faggot meaning "bundle of twigs bound up," ultimately comes from Latin fascis "bundle of wood." This word has another connection with executions, via Latin fasces "bundle of rods containing an axe with the blade projecting," a symbol of state authority carried before a lictor (a superior Roman magistrate). It represented his power over life and limb: the sticks symbolized punishment by whipping, the axe head execution by beheading. The word fascis probably is cognate with Old English bæst "inner bark of the linden tree," which is related to modern bast and baste.

When the anti-communist political movement in Italy organized itself in 1919, it used the same word, which in modern Italian had become fascio, with a secondary sense of "group, association," but they certainly also had in mind the Roman fasces, since they used it as their party symbol. The world now knows them as fascists.

Some other words we use whose connection to executions have grown somewhat obscure over time include:

  • shrift, as in the phrase short shrift. Old English scrift was the word for "confession to priest, followed by penance and absolution," a verbal noun from scrifan "to impose penance" (modern shrive). Short shrift originally was the brief time for a condemned criminal to confess before execution; the figurative extension to "little or no consideration" is first attested in 1814.

  • reprieve, which originally meant "take back to prison," which seems to come from a Frenchified form of the Latin word that also came into English as reprise. It's etymological meaning is "to take back." But since being "taken back" to prison was the fate of one whose execution had been stayed at the last minute, the meaning shifted.

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Wednesday, March 08, 2006

The Lucky Bomb

Is it possible that something as awful as the nuclear holocausts at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was -- in the cold, long view of historical time -- a positive good, a lucky break for the human race?

To even find that question in my mind makes me back off and check my sanity and my humanity. How is that possible? How can anyone who loves someone else think such a thing? But I've been reading much in the past year about the juncture of World War II and the Cold War and this question keeps coming back to me, more clearly each time.

Hiroshima. Nagasaki. Even today, more than 60 years later, every time someone somewhere in the world gets mad at America, those two names rank among the taunts they spit.

In vain do Americans protest that people who do so ignore context and act as though Japan was peacefully minding its business when U.S. bombers just sailed over and dumped two atomic bombs on it.

In vain, too, do we point out that the firebombing of Tokyo on the night of March 9–10, 1945, killed more people than either Hiroshima or Nagasaki. (As did, for that matter, the Japanese "Rape of Nanking" in 1937.) Or that the Allied air raids over Dresden in 1945 killed more than both combined. "You guys burnt the place down, turned it into a single column of flame," wrote Kurt Vonnegut Jr. But no one taunts Americans with "Dresden," or "Tokyo."

The Germans, in a decade of recovering their forgotten history, have noticed this, too. Writing of the Hamburg firebombing of 1943, Jörg Friedrich writes (Der Brand: Deutschland im Bombenkrieg, 1940–1945) "The approximately 40,000 fatalities in the July 1943 campaigns are, together with those in Dresden, Tokyo, Hiroshima, and Nagasaki, emblems of the most extreme kind of violent warfare ever inflicted upon a creature. Not because of the streams of blood spilled, but rather because of the way that living beings were erased from the world with a deadly wind."

But they are not the same. They are not felt together in the collective human mind, whatever Friedrich thinks. If you don't believe me, go to an anti-American protest anywhere in the world -- Tehran or San Francisco -- and read the signs.

I suspect even the people who argue the numbers sense the difference. Hiroshima was much more than Dresden with different statistics. If the firebombings saw the old weapons used to their maximum effect, the atom bombs saw the dawn of an utterly new day of death.

Wars have been getting bigger and more destructive since the start of history, as technology advances. The estimated casualty rate of the two world wars was 300 times greater than that of the Peloponnesian War 24 centuries earlier. For years the directors and technicians of the Manhattan Project had been working on a new and terrible weapon. They called it a "superbomb." It was meant to be a military weapon, used to win a war. It was meant to be the next step in the long march that goes back at least to Athens and Sparta.

But it wasn't. The atomic bomb's power increased lethality by a factor of millions. To a human mind, mumbers that big are inert and abstract until you see the physical evidence of them. It wasn't till people saw it, and saw what it did to a city, that this sank in. Even setting one off in a desert didn't have quite the necessary impact. It made a big bang, but the place was wasteland before and wasteland after. To know its power we had to see what it did to a city full of living human beings.

That's almost intollerably cruel, but that's how humans are made. Whether we're from Missouri or Moscow. You have to show us.

The impact of it on human minds, the dislocation, was immense.

"A bright light filled the plane," wrote Lt. Col. Paul Tibbets, the pilot of the Enola Gay, the B-29 that dropped the first atomic bomb. "We turned back to look at Hiroshima. The city was hidden by that awful cloud ... boiling up, mushrooming." For a moment, no one spoke. Then everyone was talking. "Look at that! Look at that! Look at that!" exclaimed the co-pilot, Robert Lewis, pounding on Tibbets's shoulder. Lewis said he could taste atomic fission; it tasted like lead. Then he turned away to write in his journal. "My God," he asked himself, "what have we done?" [Newsweek, July 24, 1995]

And the war was quickly over, and Americans poured into Japan and swarmed all over the two flattened cities, shocked by what they saw.

At twelve o'clock, we flew over Hiroshima. We ... witnessed a site totally unlike anything we had ever seen before. The centre of the city was a sort of white patch, flattened and smooth like the palm of a hand. Nothing remained. The slightest trace of houses seemed to have disappeared. The white patch was about two kilometres in diameter. Around its edge was a red belt, marking the area where houses had burned, extending quite a long way further, difficult to judge from the airplane, covering almost all the rest of the city. It was an awesome sight ....

At home, a businessman and Senate fixer named Harry Truman, who never could become president today and who barely managed it then, realized he had the power to kill more people, more quickly, than any human in history. He was a prosaic Missourian. Hiroshima showed him. Truman says he never lost a minute of sleep over the decision to use the bomb on Japan. I believe him. But I also think he spent a great deal of time thinking about the next time it would be used.

Truman made the key decision to withhold the atom bomb from the American military's arsenal, even at the danger point of the Cold War when the West was most vulnerable. He insisted the new bomb would be used, if at all, not at the discretion of generals, but under the highest and tightest civilian control.

If the bomb had never been used before then, if it had remained, in most people's mind, an abstract weapon, a much bigger version of the World War II "blockbusters," would that choice have been made? And if it hadn't, would the temptation to use the bomb as a tactical or battlefield weapon in Korea, or Vietnam, or Cuba, been irresistable to some American president or general?

It never came to that. In part, I believe, because we had seen it once.

And thank the gods. For the atomic weapons America used in Japan were mere bottle rockets compared to the thermonuclear H-bombs of just a few years later. The necessary experience had been accomplished at the start of the nuclear weapons era when -- as chilling as it is to say this -- the harm was as minimal as it could be.

This does not validate anyone's president or nation. If Truman's decision to bomb Japan twice in 1945 was defensible, and I believe it is, the evidence of it lies elsewhere. This was an utterly unforeseen consequence of that decision. But it may have saved the world.

Tuesday, March 07, 2006

The Biggest Domino

A brave woman makes an important point.

WASHINGTON--Yenny Wahid has a smile that could melt a Hershey bar at 100 yards. Her sunny disposition is all the more remarkable because Ms. Wahid is on what may be the world's most difficult mission right now: She's a prominent Muslim (and a woman at that) who speaks out against terror and the hijacking of her religion by ideologues who twist it to their own political ends.

After 9/11, many Americans assume that the radical Islamic agenda is to destroy the U.S. The reality is that attacks on Western targets are designed to function as brutal propaganda coups that will attract recruits to the cause of violent revolution. The main goal of ideologues like Osama bin Laden is to topple the governments of Muslim countries, including, most famously, the Wahabi royal regime of Saudi Arabia. But the real strategic plum, Ms. Wahid says, would be her native Indonesia and its 220 million citizens--with the largest Muslim population on earth.

"We are the ultimate target," she told me in Washington during a trip to the U.S. earlier this month. "The real battle for the hearts and minds of Muslims is happening in Indonesia, not anywhere else. And that's why the world should focus on Indonesia and help."

Sunday, March 05, 2006

Arrested Development

Maybe this explains some people; maybe it doesn't explain anything.

Like Neo-Neocon and others who came from the same background as a lot of the modern Western fringe left, and who once thought we were among them, I feel an occasional mission to try to understand how they got to where they are now and I didn't. It can become a kind of obsession, like some people used to be obsessed with the Lindbergh baby or Nixon.

Like a lot of people, I'm puzzled by the fact that the fierce heat of the anti-war, anti-Bush protesters -- who could turn out hundreds of thousands at one point -- hasn't come close to producing a political movement. Howard Dean tried to tap into it, but that fizzled out.

The excuse I often hear is that the people who control the media never gave them the chance. That doesn't fly. When in history did a "movement" begin with the media on its side? In fact, operating inside that media, I can tell you the gatekeepers were more than willing to rally to the anti movement, if it had just shown any sign of legs. But if there's one quality that defines the media more than "liberal," it's "cynical."

Instead, I look out and I see people who don't know how to, or don't want to, achieve positions of power and authority. They kick the door open, and then they stand there, blinking like animals, forgetting what to do once they get inside, or even how to get inside.

I've been surrounded by these cynical, lifelong dissenters for years. They all are of one generation; older than me, younger than my parents. Now I'm watching them head down to their graves as permanent outsiders in the land of their birth. They don't seem nearly as sad about this as I am; they seem to like it.

I can stack up their statements and speeches, but when I do the words never seem to build into anything. Their positions and ideologies of this year contradict their positions and ideologies of last year. It doesn't matter to them. These folks have a glib, snide, articulate put-down for everything they dislike. They defend nothing, they advocate nothing but glib, snide, articulate put-downs. Their current hero is that Jon Stewart guy who was on the Oscars. Last year it was Michael Moore.

They are fatalists, but not passive. They protest; they raise hell; they march with glib signs and big-headed puppets to shame the infamy. They offer no viable alternatives. They never stood up for Democrats when they were in power, though they would make glib, snide, articulate put-downs against Republicans who attacked those Democrats.

Here's what might have happened. There comes a point in a young intellectual's life when he discovers hypocrisy and stupidity and venality in his culture -- about the same time he notices the same in his parents. He or she reacts strongly against that.

During the 20th century, from say 1920 to 1990, young intellectuals in the West, and especially America, could flee, figuratively, from selfish America and posture in alien and enemy collectivist political cultures.

Communism was the most enduring of these, first in the Soviet model, then in the Third World version. In the 1920s and early '30s Italian fascism also had its allure, and many of Ezra Pound's generation succumbed to it. These alternatives seemed to be the future. They seemed idealistic. The realities were distant and reported in America in garbled form, if at all.

And after a time the wise and sane among the young intellectuals eventually arrived at historian Theodore Draper's conclusion. He wrote, "each generation had to discover for itself in its own way that, even at the price of virtually committing political suicide, American Communism would continue above all to serve the interests of Soviet Russia."

Draper himself made that journey. The moment of discovery, though perhaps I imagine this, tended to come about the same time the young intellectual found himself confronted with the personal realities and ugly choices that made him understand his own parents' compromises.

It was almost a rite of passage, for a young intellectual. But then the place for posturing collapsed. And those who were in full rebellion against the West in 1980 were robbed of the final step, the back-down at the time and place of their own choosing, the ability to escape with dignity intact and return to the fold. They were never allowed to make their own way back, and they refuse to come back on any other terms.

Maybe this explains some people; maybe it doesn't explain anything.

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Worse Than I Thought

When I elected to pass up paying to see this year's crop of "important" statement-movies from Hollywood, I had a general idea what I was missing. The more I read about them, though, the more I think I made the right call.

The political hero [of "Syriana"] is the Arab prince who wants to end corruption, inequality and oppression in his country. As he tells his tribal elders, he intends to modernize his country by bringing the rule of law, market efficiency, women's rights and democracy.

What do you think happens to him? He, his beautiful wife and beautiful children are murdered, incinerated, by a remote-controlled missile, fired from CIA headquarters in Langley, no less -- at the very moment that (this passes for subtle cross-cutting film editing) his evil younger brother, the corrupt rival to the throne and puppet of the oil company, is being hailed at a suitably garish "oilman of the year" celebration populated by fat and ugly Americans.

What is grotesque about this moment of plot clarity is that the overwhelmingly obvious critique of actual U.S. policy in the real Middle East today concerns America's excess of Wilsonian idealism in trying to find and promote -- against a tide of tyranny, intolerance and fanaticism -- local leaders like the Good Prince. Who in the greater Middle East is closest to the modernizing, democratizing paragon of "Syriana"? Without a doubt, President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan, a man of exemplary -- and quite nonfictional -- personal integrity, physical courage and democratic temperament. Hundreds of brave American (and allied NATO) soldiers have died protecting him and the democratic system they established to allow him to govern. On the very night the Oscars will be honoring "Syriana," American soldiers will be fighting, some perhaps dying, in defense of precisely the kind of tolerant, modernizing Muslim leader that "Syriana" shows America slaughtering.


And sure enough, guess who walked away with the first big Oscar tonight? George Clooney for his work in "Syriana."

Not Cricket

A Possibly Crazy Answer

Michael Reynolds pens a plea for a world government. His plea is both passionate and reasonable.

The first four graphs seem to be an argument against American isolationism, in terms almost everyone can accept: You can't seal off the borders against a plague and no amount of port security will be 100 percent effective against a determined terrorist. The dirty bomber will get through.

Distance is an illusion. Borders are an illusion. Our economy is inextricably linked to the world. Our health is bound up with the health of villagers in the Congo. Our ability to travel and communicate is held hostage by people in Malaysia and Columbia and Timbuktu.

All of which is true and well-said. But there's an interesting shift in the fifth graph:

Only governments can cause, and only government can stop, genocide. Only governments can cause, and only government can stop famine. Governments restrict free trade and plunge millions into unecessary poverty. Only government can reverse that fatal protectionism. Only government can stop global warming. Only government can respond when a new disease erupts. Only governments can cause, and only government can stop, war.

He's writing now not merely about reacting to problems, but spreading positive good. Excellent! At first I thought he'd gone all neo-con on me. This was supposed to be my schtick, and I thought he was the hard-headed, cynical Democratic realist. But then I noted he said "can," not "should." He's talking about capability, not moral obligation.
The piece turns out to be an argument for overarching international governmental bodies, not for aggressive moral action by existing United States, but the inclusion of moral crusades among the practical problems opens up some intriguing lines of insight.

The time has come, in this interconnected, and vulnerable world, for the civilized nations to consider some form of world government.

He takes as his tilting-target a sort of paleo-con or libertarian parody position of letting the world's problems sort themselves out in a sort of free market. This allows him to make an end-run around the neo-con position, whose uncomfortableness I understand because, and I think Michael agrees on this, it co-opts, or outright embraces, so much of what used to be called classical liberalism. Paleo-cons are a lot easier to whack on.

So what of it? He's wise enough to disavow at once the bad example that people who make this argument often mistakenly hold up as good one: the U.N.

How in God’s name are we to include the Iranian Ayatollahs in a government with liberal Swedish socialists and Indian capitalists? How could we have a functional democracy in a world where China and India could out-vote the rest of the world? How would we keep the world’s poor from using a world government to confiscate the wealth of North America, Europe and Japan?

Ah, how indeed. Calhoun had the answer to the tyranny of numbers, and it was called "concurrent majorities," but no one reads Calhoun anymore because we're all told that everything he wrote was simply meant to justify slavery, so let it pass.

Michael upholds the European Union as a better model, in part because "The EU admits only those countries which meet certain standards on human rights and economic responsibility."

His argument against continued Yankee unilateralism is a bracing mix of arguments from both sides of the current artificial political divide.

The American experience in Iraq has demonstrated that we need the “international community.” We’ve tried to be the world’s policeman, and we’ve screwed it up pretty well. And yet, the world needs a policeman. The world needs someone to fight the viruses, and the terrorists, and the famines and genocides, the environmental threats, and to stop wars from starting. The world needs government, and that government cannot be the government of the United States. The world needs a cop, and it can’t just be us.

As it is now, we give the civilized world a free pass. We jump into the fray and leave the Europeans, Japanese, Canadians, Australians, South Africans, South Koreans, Indians, all sitting on the sidelines offering snide commentary on our performance. We call this leadership. But how is it wise for us to carry the only badge and gun? How does that help us?

A world government would be limited to established democracies. Just as Europe has done, we would carve out large areas of national independence — we wouldn’t stop being the United States. Just as Europe has done, we would set standards for those nations hoping to join that world government. Rogue nations would be ever more isolated. The power of the world government would grow as it gained members. The momentum would become almost irresistable.


He says this is not pure idealism, and it's not. He says it's less idealistic than the notion of the United States trying to manage world affairs alone, but I'm not so sure about that.

His proposal for a starting point is a union of North America (is he including Mexico?), Japan, India, Australia and New Zealand, Israel, South Africa (!), "stable South American democracies," and Europe. "If Russia can reverse its slide into autocracy, they can join. If China can throw off its Communist dead weight, they will be members, too. Every nation that sees three peaceful democratic political successions, controls corruption, and subscribes to standards of human rights and the rule of law, would be eligible."

It's a good start, and more thoughtful than many proposals I've seen. But I can't seem to take it much farther than these baby steps when I try to visualize it.

I know human rights and corruption-free systems when I see them. But have we really even yet defined them in a legalistic sense? Wouldn't there be instant trouble between, say, Europe and America over the death penalty, or Europe and Israel? Even if you ignore the dictators and kleptocracies, the U.N. offers warnings. The involvement of state-owned or controlled European industries and agencies in Saddam's oil-for-food scandals, for instance -- and it wasn't North Korea or Zimbabwe that was throwing up obstacles to U.S.-sponsored resolutions against Saddam -- it was the very democratic French and Germans who had his brass jingling in their pockets.

I suspect even the business of defining "democratic" governments is going to be more tricky than he suspects. First of all, you've got to have someone doing the defining, which immediately presents a problem of something higher than the highest authority. The end of World War II was one of the rare moments in history when the gods arranged for a defined set of "victors" to stand above the world and arrange a peace. And even then it wasn't easy for the victors to decide who was on their team. Should China have been included? Should France? Should Italy?

And today? What about Singapore? Not truly democratic, but scrupulously honest and more deserving of a seat at a world council than many of its nominally democratic neighbors.

Not all the world problems Michael describes admit of military solutions. But most of the ones that actually are happening (as opposed to killer asteroids, etc.) do. And I'm not convinced of the wisdom of going to war with a lot of "Europeans, Japanese, Canadians, Australians, South Africans, South Koreans, Indians," et al in tow. Just because the U.S. is up to its ass in troubles in Iraq doesn't mean it would have gone smoothly if we had ridden in there with troops from 50 other countries piled onto the bandwagon.

And really, even the coalition we had showed me something that military experts have known for years: Individual soldiers from anywhere may fight bravely and well, but except for the British and the Australians and a few others, mostly already at our side, there aren't many nations left on earth that bother to finance a military that can fight 21st century warfare the way the Americans do. You can debate whether we're over-reliant on technology as opposed to pure muscle, but for better or worse, this is now how we do it, and frankly I prefer it, for all its limitations, to area-bombing of urban centers and meat-grinder amphibious assaults a la WWII.

Even if the rest of the world was willing to invest in such militaries, wars are best waged by one head, not by committee. The cooperation even of two allies with the same language and heritage, as the U.S. and U.K. in Europe in 1944-45 (or in Gulf War I) shows how difficult this can be.

But the continental European nations (except France) have deliberately demilitarized themselves and they're proud of it. I question even their effectiveness as police forces in nasty places like Afghanistan, since they are hampered by restrictions in the name of human rights that may be impractical on a battlefield with al Qaida.

And let's face it; the proposed world government would not be an alliance of equals. It would not be divided into teams of large and small states, as the American colonies were in 1776; there would not be a "Big Three" as there was at Potsdam in 1945. There's not even a "big two." It's "U.S.A. and all the rest." What's to keep the other partners in the world government from continuing to see it, as many of them do the current U.N., as primarily a vehicle for restraining American might, even if it involves allowing global wounds to fester?

This is not the time to turn over the reigns to a global committee. Though it might be wise to start erecting one, on principles of democracy, freedom, and human rights, because unchallenged American power won't last forever. But while it does last, it ought to accomplish what can only happen at such rare moments in history.

Here we stand, a virtual empire in which an evangelical desire to do good abstractly forms a significant motive force in our national life, and our self-interest, as we perceive it, includes an aim to see all the world's people more free, more secure, more healthy, and more materially successful.

Not since Britain after the fall of Napoleon has the world been ordered this way. Before that, you can look to the Roman Empire at its height for another example. For the latter, I'll recommend the "What did the Romans ever do for us?" scene from "Life of Brian."

Reg: They've bled us white, the bastards. They've taken everything we had, and not just from us, from our fathers, and from our fathers' fathers. ... And what have they ever given us in return?!

Xerxes: The aqueduct?

Reg: What?

Xerxes: The aqueduct.

Reg: Oh. Yeah, yeah. They did give us that. Uh, that's true. Yeah.

Commando 3: And the sanitation.

Loretta: Oh, yeah, the sanitation, Reg. Remember what the city used to be like?

Reg: Yeah. All right. I'll grant you the aqueduct and the sanitation are two things that the Romans have done.

Matthias: And the roads.

Reg: Well, yeah. Obviously the roads. I mean, the roads go without saying, don't they? But apart from the sanitation, the aqueduct, and the roads--

Commando: Irrigation.

Xerxes: Medicine.

Commando 2: Education.

Commandos: Ohh...

Reg: Yeah, yeah. All right. Fair enough.

Commando 1: And the wine.

Commandos: Oh, yes. Yeah...

Francis: Yeah. Yeah, that's something we'd really miss, Reg, if the Romans left. Huh.

Commando: Public baths.

Loretta: And it's safe to walk in the streets at night now, Reg.

Francis: Yeah, they certainly know how to keep order. Let's face it. They're the only ones who could in a place like this.

Commandos: Hehh, heh. Heh heh heh heh heh heh heh.

Reg: But apart from the sanitation, the medicine, education, wine, public order, irrigation, roads, the fresh-water system, and public health, what have the Romans ever done for us?


But I'm more interested in the British example, as it's more recent and more relevant. British evangelical busybodies browbeat their government into outlawing slavery, which was making a lot of money for a lot of British people. Having outlawed slavery, British self-interest required that it make an effort to see that its economic competitors did so too. Self-interest and humanitarian idealism merged, backed by a modest fleet of three-decker capital ships each of which could hurl a 2,000-pound broadside and shred anything else on the high seas.

The British Navy -- itself a bastion of evangelicalism and full of officers who hated slavery in the abstract with a righteous zeal -- went to war against the African slave trade with a will and by aggressive and essentially unilateral action it accomplished the great good of virtually extinguishing the international slave trade in the 19th century, everywhere but in the Islamic world.

Michael writes, "The American experience in Iraq has demonstrated that we need the 'international community.' ” As painful as that experience has been and as tragically as every lost life is, I think history won't judge it quite so harshly. History casts a colder eye on these things, and perhaps it is unwise to stand amid the events and predict what people will make of them after we're gone. But the British, in the period I wrote about, lost whole armies in Afghanistan, and the Middle East, and even when they won they usually had their resources over-stretched and faced protracted insurgencies. History does not judge them to have been failures.

It's called "imperialism" now, and it's taught as a dirty word. British imperial and corporate interests unilaterally forced "Western values" down the throats of societies where piracy, raiding, and slave-taking were culturally ingrained, as they once had been for the Viking forefathers of the men who manned the British Navy. If instead the British had formed a committee in 1815 with the French, Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese to "solve" the slavery "problem," slave ships might still be plying the Atlantic today.

Friday, March 03, 2006

Council Winners

This week's Watchers Council winners are up.

First place among the posts by council members went to yours truly. Thank you for the honor.

It's especially honorable because this was such a strong group of posts to compete against. The post with the second-most votes, for instance, was The Breach by New Sisyphus, which is one of the most powerful bits of writing I've seen online in a while. It stirred me to respond to its challenges.

Outside the council, the top vote-getter was The Beginning of the Universe by the essential Michael J. Totten. I'm really proud of this one, and only in part because I nominated it (others might have done so, too, I can't tell). It's a haunting and spiritual visit to a place known more for violence and politics. And it reminds me that there are -- numerically -- small religions slipping around the elephant feet of the monster monotheisms, and that their God-stuff is just as intense and electric as Rome or Mecca or Jerusalem.

Second place went to SC&A Address the Grads of Stupid University On Iraq in Sigmund, Carl, and Alfred, which I cant decide if it's more sad than funny, but is excellent any way you look at it.

Thursday, March 02, 2006

Yo, Iran!

Can you believe this shit? Courtesy of Ambivablog, comes this report from an "Intelligence Summit in Washington, D.C.," at which a knowledgeable military man listed American "cities targeted by Iran, Al Qaida et al for simultaneous nuclear detonation." The reporter caught New York, D.C., L.A., Chicago, Houston "and one I didn't hear," but the speaker noted particularly it was "not Philadelphia."

"It was not clear how he knew this or whether he was simply engaging in educated speculation."

Speculation, be damned. My hometown Does. Not. Need. This. Crap. I'll come to the point, President Ahmadinejad: I want us on that list. Yesterday.

Well, ya see, sir I unnerstand you're lookin' for sparrin' partners for Apollo, and I jus' want ta let ya know that I am very available.

We got pride. We got ego on the line here. We got braggin' rights to fight for. We've had to live with the Eagles jokes and the '64 Phillies. We took it from W.C. Fields, because he was one of us. We're not going to take this from you, Iran.

Houston. Again with the Houston. You have no idea what it did to this town in the '80s to get passed by Houston as the fourth-most-populous city in the United States. How we writhed and juggled and played with the numbers to hold that position, in vain.

You wanna dis us for HOUSTON? Lemme tell you, we're better than Houston. We got better beer than Houston. We're fatter than Houston (at least we used to be). Did Elton John write a song titled "Houston Freedom?" I think not.

Adrian: Einstein flunked out of school, twice.
Paulie: Is that so?
Adrian: Yeah. Beethoven was deaf. Helen Keller was blind. I think Rocky's got a good chance.


Michael Reynolds, in the comments on Amivablog, gives the comment a perspective and rounds out the lucky six: "The Philadelphia comment was in the context of a joke because one of the speakers grew up there. It had no relevance to Vallele's comments on targetted cities. They were LA, Chicago, NY, DC, Houston and Miami."

Mia... Don't. Just don't even get me started.

Look, Iran, Iran. I'm going to make it easy on you, buddy. I'm going to give you three good reasons why we deserve to be on your hit list. Just take these to your mullahs and explain. I'm sure they'll see the light. You're playing this dull game of footsie with the U.N. and when you finally win it you're going to waste one of those costly puppies on Houston? What are you, some kinda maroon?

Philadelphia is a town that has been actively courting gay tourism. You hate that, right? Behead them? We got lots of them!

You hate infidel Western music, too, right? Well, we got right here for your thermonuclear pleasure, the very ground zero of Western pop devil music. Yes, in fact, I am talking about The Mario Lanza Museum.

And number three? Ah, number three, well, if you fuck with the letters, you can make it spell INPHIDELPHIA

Take my word for it, bro, it's a sign from Allah.

Ah come on, Adrian, it's true. I was nobody. But that don't matter either, you know? 'Cause I was thinkin', it really don't matter if I lose this fight. It really don't matter if this guy opens my head, either. 'Cause all I wanna do is go the distance. Nobody's ever gone the distance with Creed, and if I can go that distance, you see, and that bell rings and I'm still standin', I'm gonna know for the first time in my life, see, that I weren't just another bum from the neighborhood.

Fellow Fluffians! What do we want? "Simultaneous nuclear detonation!"

Stand up for your right to get bombed. Send your letters and petitions to Interest Section of the Islamic Republic of Iran
2209 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20007

Pushback

Protein Wisdom patiently answers an anti-war critic. More patience than he deserves, probably, since said critic seems to have arrived at his mistaken understanding of Jeff's position by reading the severely twisted form of it presented on left-wing blogs. But as Jeff's beliefs about the war to overthrow Saddam track closely to mine, I think he does a good job here.

The Iraqis have voted to try for freedom and a democratic system; they are being aided in that decision by the US military and its coalition partner. They are being opposed by deposed Ba’athists and al Qaeda fighters. And, it appears, people like you, Bob.

I’ve taken responsibility for what my support for the war has wrought. I haven’t walked back my support, because the effort to me seems driven by the convenient intersection of American security interests and humanitarian relief (why Milosevic and not Saddam?)

What I don’t understand is, why can’t you and your friends on the left who are so quick to (mistakenly, and in my opinion, intentionally) assert that I have laid blame for the failure of the war at the feet of the left take responsibility for what YOUR actions have wrought—even if you believe those actions were justified? The best and worst of (subjective) intentions, after all, have empirical consequences. And to deny that the anti-war campaign, coupled with a media that concentrates on calamity rather than success, hasn’t had a deleterious effect on US will—and a positive effect on the persistance of the insurgency—smacks to me of willful blindness and, frankly, a rather patently obvious defensiveness.

Stripped Down Version

For an object lesson in why French philosophers should not attempt to write about sex, see Roland Barthes writing in 1957 on the G-string: “This ultimate triangle, by its pure and geometric form, by its brilliant and hard material, brandishes sex like a pure sword and re-imagines the woman in a mineralogical universe, the precious stone being here the irrefutable theme of the total and unuseful object.”

From this delightful review of what looks to be a delightful book on the history of the strip-tease. What emerges most powerfully, and ironically, is the innocense of it all:

There is a wealth of marvellous biographical detail here, with the leading players lit up in the full glare of the garish footlights. Striptease stars such as Blaze Starr, Tempest Storm, Lili St Cyr, Dodo d’Homberg and Rita Cadillac — even the names are redolent of a past age, far from a world where hardcore porn is a click away. One stripper, Sherry Britton, fainted when she first revealed herself on stage, although it seems she soon got the hang of it, and was gaily balancing glasses of water on her breasts.

And it's a chance, as if you needed it, to get re-acquainted with one of the great figures of the 20th century, Gypsy Rose Lee:

Dorothy Parker in a G-string. Hard-nosed and sassy, she understood her craft precisely. “The naked skin to the naked eye is just so much epidermis,” she said. It’s what’s “hinted at rather than hollered about” that is erotic. Gypsy Rose could do an absurdly demure but tantalising routine that began with her on stage in a long polka dot skirt, like a virgin bride on her honeymoon night; or she could do an almost absent-minded routine in which she stripped right down while chatting casually to her audience about whatever came into her head, as a wife might talk to her husband in the bedroom. Perhaps that was its intimate appeal, though it could also be extremely funny. She would even teeter about on stage, rolling down her garters while explaining to her admirers why she simply couldn ’t strip to the music of Brahms.

Mexico and America

I read this delightful little piece at "Gates of Vienna." Its simplicity of expression masks a poetic complexity. The author finds two Mexican immigrants re-setting the fieldstones that have tumbled from an old wall, and they stop, and they chat. Frost's neighbors at their task come to mind. But here are the neighbors of two nations -- America and Mexico -- meeting at the wall.

He asked if we minded having so many Mexicans in America. I said the problem wasn’t the legal immigrants, it was the ones who came in illegally and were worked very hard for little money. “It robs them and it robs the country.”

His face got serious and he said he believed Mexicans could stay in Mexico if it weren’t for the corrupt government. “We have everything we need: oil, minerals, much good land. But the government doesn’t care to help us. They just take for themselves.” When asked if he liked Vicente Fox he frowned and didn’t speak.


Some in our time have talked of literally building a wall between America and Mexico.

The story told at "Gates of Vienna" was not in the Sonora desert, however. It took place in the shadow of the Blue Ridge Mountains, in the littoral of the old Confederacy, near where the two nations that once formed the United States bled into one another.

Just the other night, unable to sleep yet, I reached down a book of John C. Calhoun's speeches. So far from being the slave-coveting villain he is now generally held to be, Calhoun was one of the most principled men in American political history. In the 1840s, when all the South and his own party, the Democrats, were mad to destroy and dismember Mexico and swallow it into an American empire, Calhoun warned them against this. Not only was it dangerous to America's future, it was fatally out of tune with its values.

At one point, debating a war appropriations bill in the Senate in February 1847, he rose above his own tightly reasoned rhetoric, and seemed to see even as far as our own times. Back then, America and Mexico were neighbors more in name than fact, with hundreds of uninhabited miles between most of their population centers. Still, Calhoun saw, with regard to Mexico:

"Our true policy, in my opinion, is not to weaken or humble her; on the contrary, it is our interest to see her strong, and respectable, and capable of sustaining all the relations that ought to exist between independent nations. I hold that there is a mysterious connection between the fate of this country and that of Mexico; so much so that her independence and capability of sustaining herself are almost as essential to our prosperity, and the maintenance of our institutions as they are to hers."

Carnival of the Etymologies

[A regular Thursday feature of "Done With Mirrors"]

Today's specialty: Words you didn't know were rude. No, not the seven words you can't say on television, or some variation. But words you have used in milk-white innocence, perhaps even this very day, without realizing that to someone, somewhere they were the height of obscenity.

Often that someone will be dead and "somewhere" will be the electroplasmic aether of the netherworld. Because over the years, the number of upstanding words that have been shanghaied into the service of sexual slang is enormous. Many have survived the ordeal and lived to recover their dignity and resume their places in the dictionary of the decent.

The verb to season, for instance, in the 16th century meant "to copulate with." Likewise, to occupy was a euphemism for "to have sexual intercourse with" (usually used of a man, with reference to a woman). This euphemistic use was so widespread in the 16th and 17th centuries that the word fell from polite usage entirely, a condition alluded to by Shakespeare's less-than-wholesome Doll Tearsheet in 2 Henry IV:

"A captaine? Gods light these villaines wil make the word as odious as the word occupy, which was an excellent good worde before it was il sorted."

Among the words that have in times past been used as slang or euphemistic substitutions for "penis" are arbor vitae (late 18c. rogue's slang; it literally means "tree of life") and loom (c.1400-1600, from the original general sense of the word, "implement or tool of any kind," as preserved in heirloom).

Male proper names commonly serve as slang words for "penis." Dick and Peter are two current examples. From c.1650-c.1870, however, a common name for it was Roger.

One of the oddest "penis" synonyms was verge, which was used in Chaucer's day. To get this, you have to know the history of the word. The word's literal meaning in Middle French was "rod or wand of office," and it comes from Latin virga, meaning "shoot, rod stick." The extension to "penis" is not too difficult to fathom if you know this.

From the sense of "rod of office," it came to be used figuratively for "royal authority." And since the Lord High Steward's authority (as symbolized by the rod of office), originally extended in a 12-mile radius round the king's court, the word verge thence came to mean "area or territory dominated" by something. The sense then shifted in the 16th century to "the outermost edge of an expanse or area."

Among the English words that have had the honor to mean, in slang, both "penis" and "vagina" are meat and machine (late 19th century).

But in some cases, a word in the full possession of its proper and unoffensive English sense may yet hide a scarlet past.

Vanilla, for instance; a word that is the very figure of bland, conventional inoffensiveness. It entered English in 1662, from Spanish (the plant came to the attention of Europeans in 1521 when Hernando Cortes' soldiers made a reconnaissance in southeastern Mexico), where it literally meant "little pod," and was extended to the plant because of the shape of the pods. This word, however, is a diminutive form of the Spanish descendant of Latin vagina.

Sycophant is another powerfully obscene term. It comes from Greek sykophantes, which originally and literally means "one who shows the fig" (from sykon "fig" and phanein "to show"). To "show the fig" was an ancient vulgar gesture made by sticking the thumb between two fingers, a display which vaguely resembles a fig, itself symbolic of a cunt (sykon also meant "vulva"). The story goes that prominent politicians in ancient Greece held aloof from such inflammatory gestures, but privately urged their followers to taunt their opponents with them.

The resemblance seems to be in the way a ripe fig looks when it is split open; in Italian the word for "fig" also was used for "cunt," and the Shakespearean dismissive phrase a fig for ... probably reflects this. "Giving the fig" (French faire la figue, Spanish dar la higa) was an isult through many centuries. A variant in which the thumb was placed in the mouth may underlie the opening scene of "Romeo and Juliet."

The adjective feisty has a long and curious history. It generally is a complimentary word when used today, but its origin is anything but that. It comes from the 19th century American English word feist meaning "small dog," which is short for fysting curre "stinking cur," a term attested from 1529.

The first term in it is the Middle English verb fysten, fisten "to break wind" (1440), which is related to Old English fisting "stink."

An 1811 slang dictionary defines fice as "a small windy escape backwards, more obvious to the nose than ears; frequently by old ladies charged on their lap-dogs." A related word probably is the second element of obsolete askefise, literally "fire-blower, ash-blower," which was used in Middle English for a kind of bellows but which originally was, according to Oxford English Dictionary, "a term of reproach among northern nations for an unwarlike fellow who stayed at home in the chimney corner."

Felon is a word of uncertain origin, but one theory (advanced by Professor R. Atkinson of Dublin) traces it to Latin fellare "to suck," which had an obscene secondary meaning in classical Latin (well-known to readers of Martial and Catullus), which would make a felon etymologically a "cock-sucker."

The Latin penis, in addition to "male member," also meant "tail." The sexual sense seems to have been the original one. Which gives an interesting twist to pencil, which is literally a diminutive of penis. The sense here seems to be the "tail" one, however, as a pencil originally (14th century) was "an artist's fine brush of camel hair." Small brushes were used for writing before modern lead or chalk pencils evolved; the word shifted its sense in the late 16th century.

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Wednesday, March 01, 2006

Wow

New Sysiphus is one of my guys. He's one who writes things I almost always can answer with a "ditto." As a veteran of the Foreign Service Office, he's especially tapped in to American global policies. He's more devoutly conservative than I am, and an uncompromising believer in the universality of Western freedoms. He's one of the bloggers I've had on my roll even before I joined the Watcher's Council, where he holds a chair.

On Monday, he published The Breach. It's one of the most powerful indictments of the Bush Administration I've ever seen. Not just for the writing, which is sufficiently potent, but because of the moral authority -- if you will -- of the writer.

He begins with the President's own words, in the two key speeches Bush made that form the core of what has come to be called the "Bush Doctrine." Like New Sisyphus, I fully subscribe to the idealism and high purpose and humanity of that doctrine. New Sisyphus then writes a history of American policies and campaigns in the war on terror that opened on Sept. 11, 2001. And he comes to a conclusion:

Along the way, the President has not advanced the American issue in a direct, forthright way. Instead, his Administration has bumbled along, pretending we are at peace. The very real fact of a very real war is not even discernable among the American population at large. No sacrifices are asked, not even doing without "American Idol." No mobilization has been ordered. Life goes on as before, creating a severe and hurtful disorientation between those families who have lost sons and those who don't even know there is a war on.

This is not the War on Terror the President sold us on in 2001. Not even close. We are not serious and everyone knows this, especially our enemies. I look into the eyes of my sons and I know that I would rather die-I would rather die-than let them fight in a war to establish the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan or to hand power over to the crazy Shi'ites of Iraq.

The leading Iraqi political figure, the Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani, has on his website instructions for how to determine what is unclean and what is clean. Among his definitions of "unclean" are things like shit, entrails of animals and, oh yes, the dead bodies of infidel soldiers.

Our policy is to die for a man and a people who literally think the dead bodies of our soldiers are literally shit.

That is our policy.


There are little quibbles I could make with his minor points. But they do not affect the thumping force of his statements. He concludes with:

I cannot support President Bush any longer. Can you?

I agree with N.S. about the infuriation of seeing the same president say the right words in his official addresses, then do all the wrong things when it comes to implementing them. I agree with him that the mound of evidence that this administration doesn't care, or doesn't care enough, about the expressed ideals of the Bush Doctrine, is too high to dismiss.

I've said for a long time that the problem wasn't that there were too many neo-cons in the administration -- as the opposition says -- but that there weren't enough of them. The neo-cons had a vision. But it was left to be implemented by old-school Kissinger-ish realists like Condi Rice and Don Rumsfeld. And Bush? He's a CEO, not a visionary. The neo-con ideas were like a management model to him; something he could pick and choose from to cobble together his policies. The rhetoric was useful because it held certain players in place long enough, but I don't believe any more he feels any commitment to it.

If I ever did. I thought in 2000 he was about the worst major party presidential candidate I'd ever seen. The calculus of the post-9/11 world and the suicidal fixations of the anyone-but-Bush faction backed me into voting in 2004 for the same man I held in contempt in 2000. I supported him against the BDS lunacy. But on his own, it's like rooting for my old college football team. You knew they were going to fumble on every possession. But they were the home team.

But what does it mean to "support" a lame-duck president in his second term? Where are you going to take your support if you withdraw it? My thoughts are, if we can get through to 2008 in one piece, we get another chance to put someone at the top who has an honest foreign policy vision and a commitment to American virtues and a firmness in purpose in advancing them, and a willingness to make the sacrifices that will bring out the spirit of this people.

I don't support Bush. I don't oppose him. Mostly I ignore him. And wait for the next chance. Iraq always was, for me, a long-term gamble. I said before it started, "20 years till we know if it's a good idea." The outcome will be nothing we intended at the start; unintended consequences will rule, but it seemed to me, and still seems to me, that the chance of those consequences being to the benefit of Iraqis, Americans, and the world in general remain good. In that context, I can wait out George W. Bush's feeble fading years.

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